Month: December 2019

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A man chopped off his wife’s nose when she allegedly stopped him from drinking alcohol in Uttar Pradesh’s Shahjahanpur. The incident happened in Bahadurpur village, the police said today.

The incident took place last evening when 35-year-old Sangita had a fight with her husband over his drinking habit. After a heated exchange, an infuriated Rajesh Kumar chopped off his wife’s nose, the police said.

L’actrice Eva Longoria a posté sur les réseaux sociaux une nouvelle photo de son fils de deux mois, Santiago. La jeune maman de 43 ans apparaît complètement sous le charme de son adorable bouille.

Eva Longoria est une maman aux anges, depuis un peu plus de deux mois. Difficile pour elle de s’empêcher de communiquer sa joie : elle semble vouloir partager avec ses fans chaque moment passé avec son tout jeune bébé. La preuve avec une nouvelle publication, ce dimanche 26 août. La belle brune vient de poster sur son compte Instagram une photo témoignant d’un adorable instant de complicité avec Santiago Enrique, son fils.

Âgé de neuf semaines, le petit “Santi”, qui est déjà fan de l’équipe de foot du Mexique, est né du troisième mariage de l’actrice, avec l’homme d’affaire mexicain José Antonio Baston. Sur la photo, la belle brune de 43 ans prend la pose au bord d’une piscine, tenant dans les bras son bébé en couche culotte. Mère et fils partagent un tendre câlin, et la star de cinéma paraît complètement sous le charme.

Sans maquillage, vêtue d’un simple jogging noir, Eva Longoria rayonne tout simplement de bonheur. Ses fans ne manquent d’ailleurs pas de souligner sa beauté naturelle. “Magnifique photo”, “quelle belle maman”, “le naturel te rend sublime”, peut-on lire en commentaires du cliché. Les admirateurs de l’actrice s’extasient aussi sur l’adorable bouille de son bébé. “Il est trop mignon, on a presque envie de lui croquer les joues!”, s’enthousiasme un fan. En légende du cliché, la star d’Hollywood a simplement écrit“Sunday Funday”, c’est à dire, “dimanche, le jour le plus fun”. Avec son fiston désormais c’est sûr : chaque jour sera une fête.

Sunday Funday! #Santi #BabyBaston

A post shared by Eva Longoria Baston (@evalongoria) on

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Crédits photos : Bestimage

Après le triomphe cannois de son actrice principale, Emmanuelle Bercot, lauréate du prix d’interprétation féminine, Mon Roi se dévoile un peu à travers un premier teaser langoureux tout en musique. Découvrez-le sans plus attendre !

Après le succès de son Polisse en 2011 qui a réuni près de 2.5 millions d’entrées en salles, Maïwenn revient avec Mon Roi, un drame puissant sur un couple dévoré par la passion. Pour ce nouveau long-métrage très attendu, la cinéaste collabore à nouveau avec Emmanuelle Bercot qui avait déjà joué dans Polisse et en avait également co-écrit le scénario avec Maïwenn. Pour camper le partenaire de Bercot à l’écran, l’électrique Vincent Cassel rejoint pour la première fois l’univers de la réalisatrice.

Mon Roi raconte l’histoire de Tony (Emmanuelle Bercot) ; se retrouvant coincée dans un centre de rééducation après un accident de ski, elle se souvient de sa relation passée avec Georgio (Vincent Cassel), une liaison aussi passionnée que destructrice.

Après des premiers extraits montrant le quotidien du couple, Mon Roi se dévoile avec un premier teaser voluptueux, rythmé par une musique douce et stridente à fois. Entêtant, le morceau est construit autour des images du couple, de la naissance des premiers émois amoureux à la rupture en passant par le mariage, les disputes, un bébé, des rires, des cris, du sang et des larmes. Au milieu de tout cela on aperçoit Louis Garrel et Isild Le Besco, petite soeur de Maïwenn, venus compléter ce très beau casting.

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Au regard de ce premier teaser, le Prix d’interprétation féminine obtenu au Festival de Cannes 2015 par Emmanuelle Bercot (ex aequo avec Rooney Mara pour Carol) ne semble pas usurpé tant la comédienne a l’air habitée par son rôle. Pour se faire sa propre idée, il faut encore s’armer d’un tout petit peu de patience, Mon Roi sortant le 21 octobre 2015 dans les salles.

Maïwenn au micro d’AlloCiné !

Le Festival de Cannes en vidéo Emissions d'Actu

 

Depuis près d’un an, Pamela Anderson vit en France, loin de ses deux fils de 22 et 20 ans. Un déménagement soutenu par Brandon et Dylan, heureux de voir leur mère amoureuse.

Pamela Anderson se plait beaucoup dans sa nouvelle vie. A 51 ans et une carrière bien installée aux Etats-Unis, l’inoubliable star d’Alerte à Malibua pris un nouveau départ en France. Depuis près d’un an, Pamela Anderson s’est installée à Marseille, aux côtés de son chéri le footballeur Adil Rami. Elle s’apprête même à entrer davantage dans le cœur des Français. Et pour cause, elle va jouer dans le prochain long-métrage de Philippe Lacheau, une adaptation de Nicky Larson. Dans quelques semaines, dès le 29 septembre prochain, elle sera également au casting de Danse avec les stars sur TF1. Elle pourra d’ailleurs compter sur un soutien de taille : celui de son cher et tendre. De quoi mettre un terme définitif aux rumeurs de rupture.

Mais avant de déménager en France, Pamela Anderson tenait avant tout à avoir l’approbation de ses deux enfants. La sublime femme est en effet la mère de Brandon, 22 ans et Dylan, 20 ans. Deux jeunes hommes qui ont déjà très bien réussi dans leur vie et sans l’aide de leurs célèbres parents, comme elle tient à le rappeler. Le premier est réalisateur tandis que le second est musicien. “Ils sont tous les deux financièrement indépendants. Je suis très fière d’eux“, a-t-elle confié ce mardi 11 septembre lors de la conférence de presse de Danse avec les stars.

Voir leur mère partir si loin n’était certainement pas chose aisée pour ces jeunes adultes. Pourtant, ils ont pris cette nouvelle avec beaucoup de maturité. “Ils respectent ma décision de vivre en France parce qu’ils savent que j’aime la France. Ils m’ont dit : ‘Tu nous manques mais nous sommes tellement contents que tu sois heureuse. Que tu sois amoureuse. On peut faire notre vie’“, raconte-t-elle non sans émotion.

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Pas question pour autant de délaisser ses garçons, Pamela Anderson rappelle qu’ils “savent que le monde est petit. Je peux être à la maison en 12 heures. Et ils viennent beaucoup en Europe, aussi“. Et de surenchérir en guise de conclusion : “On a passé deux semaines de vacances à Los Angeles. Je suis là pour eux, mais ils peuvent avancer dans leur vie. C’est bien d’avoir aussi une petite séparation, que je ne sois pas tout le temps sur leur dos“.

Propos recueillis par Camille Choteau

Crédits photos : Bestimage

Matthias Schoenaerts est à l’affiche de Maryland d’Alice Winocour, avec Diane Kruger. Nous avons rencontré l’acteur qui livre une performance “animale”, très impressionnante…

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Après Augustine, Alice Winocour présente son second long métrage, Maryland, dont le héros, Matthias Schoenaerts, de retour de combat, est victime de troubles de stress post-traumatique…

Un film français mêlant habilement les genres, allant souvent où on ne l’attend pas…

Interrogée sur ses influences, la cinéaste nous répond :

“Il y en a plein. J’ai pensé beaucoup à Take Shelter par exemple. A des films très différents aussi, comme à La Cienaga qui est un film argentin, qui était aussi dans le huis clos d’une maison, qui décrivait une sorte de dégénérescence de la société argentine, mais en creux. j’ai aussi pensé aux Visiteurs d’Elia Kazan. J’ai eu beaucoup d’influences. J’avais une véritable envie d’aller vers le genre.”

==> Quand le jeune cinéma d’auteur français casse les codes

“Le film commence un peu comme un documentaire sur un garde du corps qui va arriver dans cette maison, donc j’ai même fait appel à un vrai sniper qui est dans l’équipe des soldats. Lhopital où il se rend à un moment est un vrai hopital avec des mutilés de guerre. Il y a vraiment l’envie d’ancrer l’histoire dans le réel, et en même temps essayer une forme de déréalisation progressive. Plus le récit avance, plus on rentre dans la tête de Vincent, et dans ses fantasmes. On doute, on ne sait jamais s’il délire ou si c’est réel. Mais en tout cas, ça glisse de plus en plus vers le cinéma fantastique, avec les codes du cinéma de genre.. “

Découvrez ci-dessus la suite de notre interview en vidéo, où il est question notamment de l’animalité du personnage…

Alice Winocour au sujet de la place des femmes réalisatrices : “Il n’y a pas de films réservés aux hommes”

Le Festival de Cannes en vidéo Emissions d'Actu

 

Ami de Johnny Hallyday pendant 40 ans, Pierre Billon raconte leur relation dans Johnny, un aigle quelque part (Ed. Harper Collins), à paraître ce 14 novembre. Un portrait attendrissant de l’icône Hallyday. Mais sans concession…

Il fut l’un des derniers à côtoyer Johnny Hallyday, affaibli par le cancer et retranché dans sa villa de Marnes-la-Coquette. Il reste un indéfectible soutien pour la veuve du rockeur, Laeticia, en guerre avec les aînés du chanteur au sujet de sa succession. Lui, c’est Pierre Billon, fils de l’actrice-chanteuse Patachou, ami d’enfance et collaborateur de Michel Sardou, avant qu’il ne cède aux sirènes du rock’n’roll avec Johnny. Ensemble, Hallyday et l’auteur-compositeur-interprète enregistreront 18 albums, partageront des fous rires et s’échangeront quelques regards noirs (malgré leurs yeux d’un bleu perçant), comme au cours de ce dîner opposant Billon et Nathalie Baye au début des années 80.

A 71 ans, Pierre Billon publie un livre, Johnny, un aigle quelque part (Harper Collins), ce 14 novembre. Des pages et des pages d’encre, aussi colorée que ses tatouages. Son ouvrage détaille en effet ses 40 ans d’amitié avec l’icône Hallyday, ramenée à son humanité, ses élans et ses faiblesses.

Limpide, Pierre Billon témoigne : Il y a plusieurs Johnny, selon les périodes de sa vie. Je l’ai connu extrêmement gentil, chiant comme la pluie, et de plus en plus attentionné les dernières années. Je l’ai vu changer en bien, devenir moins taquin qu’il ne l’a été.” Le portrait est sans retouche, Billon ne cache pas cet autre visage d’Hallyday, alcoolisé, irascible et parfois méchant. Je ne le trouvais pas agréable quand il avait bu. Il était moins drôle, moins brillant, comme Docteur Jekyll et Mister Hyde”, confie-t-il.

L’occasion de saluer le courage de la veuve du rockeur : Empêcher quelqu’un de fumer et de boire est une lutte quotidienne. Moi, j’ai vu Laeticia le faire, assure Pierre Billon. Lorsque nous faisions nos grandes balades en moto aux Etats-Unis, il ne buvait pas. Sinon, impossible de reprendre la route le matin.”

Retrouvez l’intégralité de notre entretien avec Pierre Billon dans le magazine Gala, en kiosque ce mercredi 7 novembre.

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Crédits photos : Getty

LAS VEGAS — 

The Culinary Health Center is a beige, two-story office building on Las Vegas’ east side, miles from the casino glitz of the Strip and not much to look at by Sin City standards. The surprise is what happens inside, and how it gets paid for, which would probably make most American workers’ jaws drop.

On a recent Friday, the parking lot was full as union members and their families visited the facility for primary and pediatric checkups, dental procedures and eye tests and eyeglasses, almost all of which are offered at no cost. There’s no emergency room, but X-ray, ultrasound and CT scan equipment awaited use in the building’s 24-hour urgent-care wing, free of cost to union members, along with a pharmacy that offers free generic medications.

In the hallways, there are few markings indicating the facility is operated on behalf of the Culinary Workers Union Local 226, which represents 60,000 hotel and casino workers in the early-caucusing and general election swing state of Nevada. But there’s a phrase printed on the front door symbolizing the powerful union’s pride in its unique healthcare setup: “Exclusively ours.”

“I love it. I love it. Everything, one-stop shop. Great doctors,” Kimberly Williams, 45, a guest room attendant at the Bellagio for 15 years and a volunteer organizer for the union, said of the center. “I have had other insurance before, but I believe my Culinary insurance is the best, and I want to keep that.”

The labor movement has long pushed for more comprehensive government healthcare in the U.S. But to see why some unions are nervous about talk of “Medicare for all” in the 2020 Democratic presidential primary, there’s no better place to start than the Culinary Union, whose parent union, Unite Here, has waged aggressive strikes and contract campaigns with employers to secure a level of affordability, accessibility and autonomy over healthcare coverage that would be unrecognizable to most Americans.

Instead of receiving health insurance directly through their employers, Culinary Union workers and many Unite Here members across the country receive health insurance through Unite Here Health. It’s a multi-employer nonprofit trust jointly run by Unite Here and by unionized companies that have agreed, however grudgingly, to sign on to the fund and its union-negotiated plans — which put the overwhelming burden of paying for healthcare onto companies, not workers.

American workers, on average, pay for 18% of the cost of a single-coverage plan and 29% for a family-coverage plan, with employers picking up the rest, according to a recent survey by the Kaiser Family Foundation. Unite Here Health, by comparison, gets just 3% of its funding from union workers, according to the union’s financial statements. (Some other unions have similarly structured multi-employer plans.) Unite Here Health also operates the Culinary Health Center and other facilities in Chicago and Atlantic City.

So as Democratic presidential candidates court the support of the Culinary Union, which is famed for the effectiveness of its election turnout operations in Nevada, the union has not been subtle in sharing its skepticism about the type of Medicare-for-all platforms advanced by Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont and Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts. Those proposals, which aim to replace private employment-linked insurance plans with universal government insurance, would almost certainly reduce the amount of control some unions have over their health insurance.

“If you’re telling anybody that they have to give up something they like for something they don’t know, that’s a pretty hard sell,” D. Taylor, the president of Unite Here, said in an interview.

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The healthcare question has been posed at every town hall that Democratic candidates have held at the Culinary Union’s headquarters in Las Vegas.

“My brothers and sisters of the Culinary have been fighting for this health insurance for 84 years, fighting hard, and we’re still doing it,” Cristhian Barneond, a cook and a shop steward at the Cosmopolitan hotel, told Warren during her appearance on Dec. 9. “My question for you is, what is your plan to make sure we keep our Culinary health [insurance] intact?”

Warren said she had toured the Culinary Health Center and was “knocked out” by the arrangement. “What you’ve got is something I want to see replicated all around America,” Warren said of the union’s clinic. “The part that changes is the money and where the money comes from.”

Sanders, who has an even more aggressive Medicare-for-all plan, got a skeptical reception from some Culinary workers in Las Vegas on Dec. 11.

“We love our Culinary healthcare,” said Elodia Muñoz, who went on strike for more than six years at the Frontier Hotel and Casino in the 1990s, told Sanders. “We want to keep it. I don’t want to change it. Why should I change it?”

“We have in this country a dysfunctional, broken and cruel healthcare system,” Sanders replied. But as he elaborated on his plan, chants from the audience interrupted, “Union healthcare! Union healthcare!” multiple times, drawing a rebuke from the union’s president. (“If you want to heckle, go outside to heckle,” Taylor told the chanters afterward.)

Sanders powered through and said his plan would result in higher wages for union workers, with employers no longer diverting dollars toward private health insurance programs with large or inefficient overheads.

Former Vice President Joe Biden had a much easier time in his Dec. 11 appearance: He, like Mayor Pete Buttigieg of South Bend, Ind., favors a more moderate plan to create a public option that would not replace the Culinary Union’s insurance plan.

“You’re gonna get to keep it with me,” Biden interrupted a cook from Margaritaville, who was winding up to ask Biden the same question every other candidate has gotten.

“Where I come from, I don’t like people telling me what I have to choose,” Biden said. Union members “who have busted their neck, walked on picket lines, gave up pay, took hits in order to get significant healthcare available, you get to keep it under my plan. You don’t have to give it up.”

Universal health insurance systems spread around the world after World War II, but not in the U.S., where private, employer-provided insurance flourished instead. This system has come under political strain in recent years as insurance costs have risen faster than wages, which has also forced many unions to fight losing battles against contracts that would increase healthcare costs for their members.

The Culinary Union has won and maintained its provisions through decades of strikes and bargaining. In 1984, 17,000 Culinary members from 32 Las Vegas strip resorts went on strike for almost a year, a period during which 900 strikers were arrested. Another strike, at the Frontier Hotel and Casino, began in 1991 and lasted for more than six years.

Last year, employers under contract with Unite Here unions paid more than $1 billion in contributions into the union’s healthcare trust, compared with just $28.8 million from union members. Culinary Union workers don’t have premiums or deductibles, but they have certain copays and pharmaceutical costs, according to Culinary Union spokesperson Bethany Khan, who said the Culinary Health Center’s pharmacy fills about 20,000 prescriptions monthly.

In other words, the union in effect has its own private version of the single-payer system, with hotels and casinos, rather than the government, functioning as the single payer.

Although the Culinary Union is respected for its gains, labor activists who support Medicare for all still think universal governmental coverage would be more efficient, comprehensive and stable than such multi-employer plans, which are also offered by some other unions, including SAG-AFTRA and the Writers Guild of America.

“A lot of these funds, they cover precarious workers, construction workers, actors, people in film production, and they provide good benefits, but large numbers and large percentages of their members don’t qualify for their benefits because they don’t work enough hours,” said Mark Dudzic, coordinator of the Labor Campaign for Single Payer, a union coalition pushing for a Sanders-like Medicare-for-all plan.

Unions would also no longer have to bargain over whether employers’ dollars should go toward healthcare instead of wages or other benefits. “I think you could really construct much better advantages if you didn’t have to put all this money into basic healthcare,” Dudzic said.

In an interview Saturday, Sanders acknowledged that “there were a few people who objected” at his Culinary Union town hall but noted that he got a standing ovation at the end of the event.

“We have many unions who support Medicare for all, some who are reluctant,” Sanders said. But he thinks he can still make his case to union members by persuading them that under Medicare for all, “they’re not going to have to spend half of their negotiating sessions protecting the healthcare that they have, and they’re not going to have to give up wage increases in order to maintain or improve their healthcare benefits.”

Despite the Culinary Union’s reluctance on Medicare for all, Taylor, the Unite Here president, praised each of the Democrats who have passed through, and he made clear that he didn’t want it perceived that his union was fighting progressive changes on healthcare that would benefit less-fortunate workers.

“Just so we’re clear for all media, the healthcare system in this country has to change,” Taylor said during Warren’s event. “Healthcare should be a right and not a privilege, and no one should go without it.”


And so, Norman Lear, how do you think things are going in America these days?

“When I’m asked a question like that, my mind goes immediately to the youngest people I know,” he says. “It’s clear to me that young people are not growing up in the America I grew up in. It’s very different, and I worry about that.”

So begins a conversation with the entertainment impresario and political activist, the man who created the bigoted Archie Bunker and then his antidote, the left-leaning advocacy group the People for the American Way.

He is 97 and, on this day in Lear’s lair atop the Morita Building in the Sony complex in Culver City, he is wearing a light-colored porkpie hat, blue jeans, and a black vest covering a purple paisley shirt that’s open at the neck. Plus white socks.

He says things like: “I think all the time about why I haven’t been arrested.”

He lets the sentence linger, perhaps intending to shock. But in truth the shocks these days are felt by Lear himself: shock at the presidency of Donald J. Trump, shock at what he regards as the perfidy of the Republicans on Capitol Hill, shock at how the Democrats are responding. There’s enough shock in the room to light Los Angeles.

But there’s some light, too.

Lear is a barometer of political and social change, albeit one that responds to the barometric pressure on the right and then shapes the atmospheric pressure of the left. And right now his internal barometer records an important climate change in America and brims with short-term readings, especially about former Mayor Michael Bloomberg of New York:

“Of the candidates currently running,” Lear says, “he has more experience with what I imagine will be most helpful as president. So I find him interesting. I’ve had a couple of meals with him. I like him. He’s very smart and very interested.”

He stops to make sure his listener understands the difference between the words “interested” and “interesting” and then, convinced that the point has been made, adds: “He’s interested in life and things around him.”

But mostly Lear is interested in defeating President Trump, and he thinks the Democratic field has some strong contenders.

“I like Elizabeth Warren. I like young Pete. But I have a sense Elizabeth Warren can make it. Long-, long-, longterm it would be healthy for the world to see a woman president. I believe she genuinely cares. I like the way she thinks of ‘us.’”

How about former Vice President Joe Biden? “I think Joe Biden is last year’s news.”

And Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont? “I love Bernie. But I don’t like him.”

Then this, about the face of Mitch McConnell, the Kentucky Republican sculpting the GOP strategy to win a Senate acquittal for Trump after his impeachment by the House:

“I don’t know anything I want to push a pie into more.”

How has it come to this — a pie in the face of the Senate majority leader?

“I made a crystal radio set on a cigar box, and one evening I caught a voice and heard a phrase about Jesus. It turned out to be Father [Charles] Coughlin. It was the first time I learned there were enough people to have a radio show whose star hated me because my mother and father were Jewish.

“From that moment I had a nose for, and a sensitivity to, anti-Semitism. I was that little boy when I started to see the [Rev. Jerry] Falwells and the [Rev. Pat] Robertsons and the religious right. I felt I had to do something about it.”

Thus, People for the American Way.

“His love of country is the thing that may motivate him the most, and that his opponents don’t realize,” said Ralph G. Neas, the onetime chief legislative assistant to two Republican senators who served as president and CEO of People for the American Way from 2000 to 2007.

Not everybody likes Norman Lear, just as not everybody at the time liked “All in the Family,” a TV show that revolved around Archie Bunker, the patriarch of a working-class family who loudly spouted racist, homophobic, sexist and anti-Semitic views. Daily Variety described Lear’s signature series as “nothing less than an insult to any unbigoted televiewer.”

The irreverent sitcom provoked Laura Z. Hobson, the author of a novel that explored prejudice in America called “Gentleman’s Agreement,” to write a New York Times essay that argued, “I don’t think you can be a black-baiter and lovable, or an anti-Semite and lovable. And I don’t think the millions who watch this show should be conned into thinking you can be.”

Over the years, Lear has also given “Sanford and Son,” “Maude” and “The Jeffersons” to television viewers in the United States and around the world. It is television that his longtime producing partner Brent Miller described in an interview as entertainment “grabbed from the headlines on a daily basis.”

David R. Shumway, a professor of literary and cultural studies at Carnegie Mellon University, argues that “All in the Family” was notable for bringing contemporary political argument into American living rooms. “It was able to deal with controversial subjects and potentially offensive language by putting them in the mouths of characters who engendered empathy even in the face of disagreement or disapproval.”

But for Lear, Trump engenders no such empathy in the face of his disagreement and disapproval.

“It angers me that the media doesn’t call attention to the fact that he can be described in psychological terms,” he says. “I feel qualified to say in some sense that he’s not a well man.”

And he has just as much contempt for congressional Republicans:

“Despite the fact I’m a Democrat and they’re Republicans, I’m still a human being — a father, a grandfather and a citizen of this country. They are, too. I don’t understand them as human beings, how they can allow themselves to be led by this president.”

What ties together men and women of advancing ages — what ties together former Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, a post-bench crusader for political education, and Lear, who refuses to sit on the bench in today’s raucous political climate — is regret that civics classes largely have disappeared from the American secondary-school curriculum.

“My priorities — the preamble of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence — we are not as aware of them as we once were.”

Thus begins a riff from a man who flew 52 World War II missions out of Italy:

“We loved America in a way my children don’t know how to love America. … We learned to care about America for what it promised, what it intended. We weren’t fooled to know it kept all its promises, but it was on that road. There was reason to think, ‘God bless America.’”

He won’t be stopped there. He goes on:

“I remember coming back from the war feeling that so keenly: Look what we did. And we helped Europe get on its feet again. We had leaders who taught the American people that we were the good guys and God’s chosen. The passion to keep the promises dissipated.”

While Lear is firmly part of America’s cultural canon, he is increasingly, at age 97, a part of the American past. But with his indefatigable will, Lear is still focused on America’s future.


WASHINGTON — 

When Michael Horowitz, the Justice Department’s internal watchdog, released a report that criticized the secret FBI surveillance of a former Trump campaign advisor in 2016 and 2017, initial reports suggested the FBI had been too aggressive.

But a close reading of the 434-page report, and interviews with current and former agents, suggest the FBI may have been too cautious, especially in the early stages of the investigation.

The reason? The FBI was trying to stay out of politics.

Worried about leaks, the bureau kept the investigative team small. It barred the use of subpoenas and other aggressive tools. And it ran the inquiry from Washington, not one of its 56 field offices.

Partly as a result, it took more than two months for a former British spy’s report to reach the right FBI investigators. And a constant reshuffling of agents and staff led to communication lapses and loss of institutional knowledge.

“The investigation was unprecedented, and the bureau was trying to do what it could to stay out of the election,” said a former FBI official. “The investigation got handcuffed by some of that. There was turnover. There was some confusion. But I’m not sure how it could have been handled differently.”

James B. Comey, who headed the FBI at the time, told the inspector general that he advised agents and analysts to tread carefully in Crossfire Hurricane, the FBI code name for the probe.

“It’s smoke we see,” Comey said, according to the report. “We don’t know whether there’s fire there.”

But Comey had undergone withering criticism for his decision, announced on July 5, 2016, not to charge Hillary Clinton, the expected Democratic presidential nominee, for using a private computer server when she was secretary of State. The FBI would reopen that probe in October, and again decide not to charge her.

As far as is known, the FBI had never investigated a major-party candidate during a presidential campaign. In 2016, it launched investigations that had serious implications for both candidates, an extraordinary development that required unusual care.

Most FBI investigations are conducted out of field offices, where agents have access to support staff, surveillance teams and other assets.

But senior FBI officials worried that Crossfire Hurricane was too sensitive, so they ran it out of headquarters. They brought field agents to Washington on 90-day temporary duty shifts, causing management headaches.

Then, in January 2017, the FBI transferred day-to-day operations to the New York, Chicago and Washington field offices. But it reversed course four months later and brought the probe back to headquarters.

A top analyst believed the “shifting makeup of the teams and the changing leadership created a divide between the analysts and the agents, which resulted in less interaction between the two groups,” the inspector general reported.

In the early months of the investigation, the FBI didn’t seem to make much progress in the probe. A Justice Department prosecutor who attended regular briefings on the inquiry said it “seemed pretty slow-moving.” The acting deputy attorney general, Dana Boente, told the inspector general that the investigation seemed to lack a sense of urgency.

Crossfire Hurricane was officially launched on July 31, 2016, five days after an Australian diplomat in London told the State Department that the Trump campaign might be colluding with the Russian government.

The diplomat told U.S. officials that George Papadopoulos, a Trump campaign advisor, had informed him in May that the Trump team “had received some kind of suggestion from Russia that it could assist this process with the anonymous release of information during the campaign that would be damaging” to Clinton, according to the inspector general.

WikiLeaks already had begun publishing emails hacked from the Democratic National Committee, and the FBI suspected Russian operatives were responsible.

The counterintelligence investigation focused on Papadopoulos and three other people associated with Trump’s campaign. All three were already on the FBI’s radar.

Paul Manafort, then the Trump campaign chairman, had extensive ties to pro-Russian politicians in Ukraine and was already the target of an FBI money-laundering and tax-evasion inquiry. Manafort quit the campaign in August, and was sentenced to 7 ½ years in prison in mid-2018 after he was convicted of multiple financial crimes.

Retired Gen. Michael Flynn, a Trump campaign advisor, had traveled to Russia and had ties to Russian-affiliated organizations. Flynn was ousted in 2017 after less than a month as Trump’s national security advisor and later pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI. He has not been sentenced.

Papadopoulos was sentenced to 14 days in jail for lying to the FBI. Carter Page, a Trump foreign policy advisor until September 2016, was linked to Russia-owned entities and had visited Russia that July. He was not charged with a crime.

In July 2016, the FBI suspected Page, an energy consultant, was working for Russian intelligence. That October, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court agreed to let the FBI secretly gather Page’s emails, phone calls and other communications. The court would renew the warrant three times, until mid-2017.

But the FBI made 17 “significant inaccuracies and omissions” in the four Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, or FISA, court applications, and did not provide satisfactory explanations for the mistakes, the inspector general found.

On Tuesday, the presiding judge of the FISA court, Rosemary M. Collyer, ordered the bureau to explain how it would improve its applications. She added a rare public criticism, saying the inspector general’s report “calls into question whether information contained in other FBI applications is reliable.”

In mid-September 2016, the FBI sent informants to talk to Papadopoulos and Page, as well as an unidentified high-ranking campaign official, and secretly record them. They did not put any undercover agents or informants in the Trump campaign.

But the informants didn’t find proof of cooperation with Russia. Instead, the inspector general said, Page and Papadopoulos offered information that cut against the FBI’s theories.

There was another problem.

On July 5, a former British spy and longtime FBI informant, Christopher Steele, gave an FBI agent in Europe the first of what would become a series of intelligence reports about Trump’s alleged dealings with Russia and potential collusion between his associates and Moscow.

A political research firm in Washington had hired Steele, originally for a Republican campaign. The work ultimately was funded by Democrats.

The agent contacted counterintelligence agents in New York to ask where to send the material. A month later, he emailed the New York office again, asking what he should do.

“The stuff is burning a hole,” the agent wrote.

The Steele reports did not reach the Crossfire Hurricane team for two more weeks, on Sept. 19. An agent called the delay excessive and said it hampered the FBI’s ability to vet Steele’s information and assess its value.

The dossier would tip the scales in favor of obtaining the first warrant on Page from the FISA court. The FBI’s reliance on Steele’s material would become a controversial part of the investigation.

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Former FBI officials said the long delay likely resulted from the Crossfire Hurricane team’s low profile — nobody outside a select circle knew what they were doing or how important the work was.

That was by design. The inspector general found that Andrew McCabe, then the FBI deputy director, had told the team to “get to the bottom of this as quickly as possible, but with a light footprint.”