est devenu l’un des sujets de plaisanterie préférés des Américains et, dans la pure tradition du nouveau continent, une source de revenus parfois… originale. Dernière trouvaille dans le sillage du Tigergate: des balles de golf à l’effigie des conquêtes spéciales de l’étoile des greens.

Fervents des greens, avec ce jeu de balles, vous allez pouvoir vous la putter. Véritable produit dérivé du scandale Tiger Woods, une collection de balles de golf frappées du visage des maîtresses du champion américain sont mises en vente sur internet…

C’est par le site tailofthetiger.com que le scandale après le scandale est arrivé. Un site commerçant dont le nom se traduit La Queue Du Tigre (désolé pour la finesse du trait) propose aux golfeurs « attristés » par les proportions prises par l’affaire Tiger Woods de lui rendre hommage sur leurs parcours (nous avançons prudemment, car l’univers lexical du golf est semé de handicaps et de mots qui pourraient être malvenus dans le contexte…).

Le prétexte un peu « faux col » de ces web marchands coquins pour en fait proposer 12 (belles?) balles floquées de photos de jeunes femmes. Lesquelles sont censées être les supportrices un peu trop zélées du sportif qui lui ont valu ses déboires conjugaux. « Il a aimé jouer avec elles, à votre tour », vous propose le site qui est désormais dans le viseur des associations féministes américaines. Mais, pour relever le niveau, le tout est présenté dans un élégant emballage noir et or pour environ 55 dollars, soit environ 40 euros. Il y a même deux éditions. Au cas où, vous aussi, le golf vous donne des envies de collections féminines…

J.-F.T.

Jeudi 4 février 2010

“L’Eté meurtrier”, “Elisa”, “Les Enfants du marais”, “Bienvenue parmi nous”… Le cinéaste Jean Becker se raconte en souvenirs et en anecdotes…

A l’occasion de la sortie de Bienvenue parmi nous, retour sur la carrière du cinéaste Jean Becker en quelques films et moments forts…

“Quand on lui a proposé le rôle et qu’on devait tourner un mois et demi après, elle n’était pas en forme physique pour le faire. Comme vous vous en souvenez, dans le film, elle est très souvent dénudée ou dans des petites robes très ajustées. Donc, elle ne sentait pas bien physiquement pour jouer ça. Mais elle adorait le personnage évidemment. Un an après, elle m’a appelé en me disant “je suis prête, je vais le faire”. “Mais attendez, vous me dîtes ça maintenant, mais j’ai engagé quelqu’un !” Finalement, les choses se sont arrangées.” Jean Becker au sujet d’Isabelle Adjani pour L’Eté meurtrier

Propos recueillis par G.M. – Montage : Rémi Golinelli

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The European Union is not yet cowering with fear at the “revolt against austerity” recently thrown into relief by events in France and the Netherlands. There is still a determination in all major capitals bar one to stick to a set of policies based on the logic that the best way to beat a debt crisis is to stop adding to your debts. So, it says, cut your spending, raise your taxes and throw a protective arm around your banks, and you will eventually break through into a sunny meadow carpeted with the green shoots of economic growth.

This is now a well-worn liturgy that does not seem to be working. François Hollande’s probable election as the next president of France on Sunday (6 May) and the recent fall of the Dutch government over the contents of an austerity budget for 2013 are a woeful warning of an approaching storm for all incumbent governments pushing up taxes while carving large chunks out of spending budgets. Politicians who read the fine-print of election results will have plenty to ponder in the coming weeks. In addition to the vote in France, Greece will be electing a new parliament this Sunday and Italy votes in a round of local elections. German state elections follow a week later. On 31 May, Ireland is holding a referendum on Europe’s fiscal pact. In June, France has parliamentary elections. Then, on 12 September, the Netherlands will go to the polls.

At the moment, the reward for austerity appears to be to accelerate decreases in national income and increases in unemployment, especially among young people. Reforms are being applied across Europe but they offer little prospect of early relief. Spain, whose foreign minister says the crisis afflicting his country is “of enormous proportions”, is working on its labour market and employment laws. But opponents are beginning to persuade people that change is a malign infection imposed from Brussels and Berlin, and carrying only more economic peril.

In France, voters have rejected the insecurities of structural change and voted for a candidate whose remedies offer very uncertain pain relief. As they look around the EU, the French see only one example of a country that has reluctantly embraced change and is now more than fit for the competitive struggles posed by the global economy. If they ask themselves how Germany did it, they note that controversial structural reforms were pushed through in 2003-04 when the regional and global economies offered every prospect of growth and none of recession.

This is the moment to reflect on political leadership in the Union and to fear for the consequences of its mediocrity. Last week, our leaders seemed suddenly to wake up to the fact that the status quo of shrinking economies, rising unemployment and tottering banking systems is politically unsustainable. Mario Draghi, the president of the European Central Bank, talked about a “growth compact”; unusually, German chancellor Angela Merkel spoke about growth before talking about fiscal discipline, and Mario Monti who has been consistent on this point since he became Italian prime minister last November, spoke in praise of public investment as a driver of economic growth. And the cries of pain from Spain grew louder as a credit-rating agency hacked another couple of grades off its credit rating.

Political panic is just around the corner. Nerves will not be calmed by any informal dinner that Herman Van Rompuy, president of the European Council, chooses to lay on for a discussion on economic growth. Decisions taken in the coming weeks could be the Council’s last chance to restore some reputation for strategic economic management.

Sadly, there is nothing to point to in the Council’s past record except failure. Independent analysts have consistently pointed out since late 2010 that stringent deficit and debt reduction policies are only appropriate if economies can manage enough growth to avoid the downward spiral that itself increases deficits and debts. Europe does not have enough growth. Indeed, recessions in Spain, Italy and elsewhere are reducing demand for exports that could eventually throw even Germany into negative growth.

Moreover, the current EU austerity-only strategy is not even treating the right ailments in many countries. Excessive government deficits have not caused Spain, Italy or Ireland’s problems. Whatever doubts we may have about Hollande’s remedies for achieving economic growth, he is right to believe that without it, France might soon also be at the mercy of the markets.

José Manuel Barroso, the president of the European Commission, last week presented the Commission’s proposals for a growth and jobs budget for 2013. Reports suggest that he will follow up with a ‘Marshall plan’ for recovery. He should have done so a year ago. The draft budget proposes a 6.8% increase in spending with a modestly-increased emphasis on job-creating infrastructure investment, job-training and other supply-side policies. Almost certainly, the UK, Germany and other northern countries will angrily demand cuts because a boost to the EU budget of this size, after only a 2% rise last year, would send a clear signal that austerity was being softened.

The EU needs an alternative: either a Keynesian stimulus to demand or, at least, longer timetables for shrinking deficits. And Europe will have them, either by popular vote or policy failure – or both.

John Wyles is an independent consultant based in Brussels.

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Herman Van Rompuy, the president of the European Council, emerged this morning empty-handed after a meeting of national leaders in Brussels.
He made no claim to have come up with immediate solutions to the eurozone’s pressing problems, particularly the threat of Greece leaving the single currency.

Instead, he said that the “focused and frank” discussions had “prepared the ground for common decisions in June, five weeks from now”.

But Van Rompuy did raise the possibility of further institutional reform for the eurozone.

“We need to take economic and monetary union to a new stage,” he said. “We need to strengthen the union.”

But again he played for time, saying that he would be reporting to the European Council meeting on 28-29 June, after discussions with the president of the European Commission, the president of the Eurogroup, and the president of the European Central Bank. His report would be on “working methods and possible building blocks”. It would not, he said, be a fully fledged plan for deepening monetary union.

François Hollande, France’s president, also signalled that treaty change was a possibility. But, he said: “At this stage there was no discussion whatsoever on existing treaties that we would have to amend or new treaties that would have to be negotiated.”

Among the ideas being floated, Van Rompuy said, were Eurobonds, closer banking supervision and a common deposit insurance scheme.

On Greece, Van Rompuy said: “We want Greece to remain in the euro area while respecting its commitments.”

He said: “Continuing the vital reforms to restore debt sustainability, foster private investment and reinforce its institutions is the best guarantee for a more prosperous future in the euro area. We expect that after the elections, the new Greek government will make that choice.”

Van Rompuy said the bulk of the five-and-a-half hour meeting had been devoted to discussing how to boost growth in Europe. He identified three types of policy suggestions: structural reforms, including passing the proposed Single Market Act and the energy efficiency directive; increased investment, including an invitation to the European Investment Bank to increase its capital, better use of structural funds, and the issue of project bonds; and measures to strengthen job creation.

Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany declined to comment on Greece, beyond saying that the leaders had sent a “positive message” to Greece while also insisting that it meet its international obligations.

Merkel reiterated the German view that eurobonds make sense only after deeper fiscal and economic integration in the eurozone.

“I outlined the German position, which is that far stronger economic co-ordination in the eurozone is needed and that we are facing considerable difficulties with regard to the possibilities offered by the treaties,” she said.

Hollande said: “I respect Mrs Merkel’s point of view when she says Eurobonds are not a tool for growth in themselves but they are nonetheless a tool that can help promote growth in some circumstances, so it is a discussion we will keep on having, but we did not expect a decision tonight and there was no decision. But there was no conflict, no confrontation.”

He added: “Some countries were even more against Eurobonds than Mrs Merkel, and some also are in favour of Eurobonds and not the tax on financial transactions. This is true in the case of the UK. And some countries are against everything.” 

Merkel said that project bonds should target those countries that needed such investments the most, and listed Greece, Portugal, Spain and Italy.

Eurocrats should go hang themselves, according to stickers placed last week on the cars of staff working in Brussels for the European Union institutions.

Three staff unions representing EU civil servants sent a letter to Herman Van Rompuy, the president of the European Council, on Monday (30 April) warning that incidents of anti-EU aggression were increasingly alarming. They want the EU institutions to work with the Belgian authorities to increase protection for EU employees.

Last week, EU civil servants found stickers on their cars that read, “Eurocrate, sers-toi de ta cravate” (Eurocrat, make use of your tie). The stickers showed a caricature of a man hanging by his tie. It appears cars with special licence plates for EU officials are possibly being targeted, the unions said. Other ‘anti-Eurocrat’ stickers and flyers have been left on cars at commuter railway stations on the outskirts of Brussels.

“It is now obvious that the next steps will be physical injuries,” said the letter to Van Rompuy from the Union Syndicale, Federation of European Civil Servants and Renouveau & Démocratie.

A month ago a group of about ten activists surrounded people getting out of the metro at the Schuman station in the morning and, according to the unions, engaged in “physical intimidation and verbal abuse”. The activists spray-painted the station walls with the phrase “Eurocrats de merde” and distributed leaflets telling workers to stop working for the EU institutions.

The anonymous leaflets, in French, complained both about the austerity regime being imposed on Europe and the displacement of native Brussels residents as the EU institutions buy more buildings.

Metro operator STIB and the local police said they were not alerted to the intimidation that took place on the train platform, although STIB cleaned the graffiti after local media remarked that it sent a negative image of Brussels as a European capital. The police have been notified by the European Commission about the threatening stickers circulated last week and are investigating the matter.

Reflection of media attacks

The unions warned Van Rompuy that hostility to the EU and its workers was being fed by some member state governments and media.

Union Syndicale president Günther Lorenz told European Voice that aggression toward EU workers always comes in waves “when we’re in the media”. “Now, with the reform of staff regulations, some media are using this as a new pretext to attack us,” he said

In their letter to Van Rompuy, the unions note that in the past such aggression toward EU staff has been sporadic, but has increased over the past year. The unions blame vilification of ‘Brussels’ by national governments and unfavourable media coverage of the ongoing staff pay negotiations.

People involved in the staff pay negotiations should “exercise the greatest possible circumspection in their communications with the press so that the media do not disseminate hasty, ill-informed generalisations which can later be easily exploited by populist associations whose only motive is to…make the European civil service a scapegoat,” the unions told Van Rompuy.

The Reds thrashed LASK 5-0 in Austria with their January arrivals again shining as their unbeaten run stretched to 11 games

Manchester United kept their Champions League dream very much on track with a comfortable 5-0 win against Austrian side LASK in a game where their January signings shone.

Many have spoken this week about how the game is nothing without fans as games around the world are postponed or played behind closed doors due to coronavirus fears, and the 700 United fans who had purchased tickets for their side’s Europa League last-16 tie will agree as they missed out on another masterclass from Bruno Fernandes and, slightly more surprisingly, Odion Ighalo in a comfortable team performance.

Some players need time to adapt to a new league and a new team. Not Fernandes. The playmaker has fitted in seamlessly at Old Trafford and was pulling the strings again in Linz.

The Future of Europe Group – comprising the foreign ministers of 11 member states of the European Union – says that its report has attempted to address the continent’s long-term and short-term problems at a time when nationalism is rising and “a sense of belonging” is dwindling. Not all the proposals in the group’s report, published on Monday (17 September), are supported by every minister but they raise important questions about the future direction of the EU.

Economic and monetary union

For the most part, the foreign ministers’ views on economic and monetary union fall some way between what the European Commission is already considering and the more radical ideas floated for several years by various member states and MEPs. Their report insists that strengthening monetary union and finding solutions to the eurozone crisis must be treated as “an absolute priority”.

Democratic accountability and protection of the single market

The ministers emphasise that reform should be undertaken by all 27 European Union member states, not those of the eurozone. Some of their proposals challenge that conviction, however, and raise significant questions about how to protect the integrity of the single market. If decisions are taken that apply only to the eurozone, the ministers say, “ways should be explored to involve the MEPs from these countries”.

Greater EU powers

They call for the role of the European commissioner for economic and monetary affairs to be strengthened and for new rules to enforce national budget discipline that go beyond those already enshrined in the ‘six-pack’ legislation (in force since 13 December), and the two regulations included in the ‘two-pack’ legislation (currently the subject of negotiation between the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament). The ministers say that EU institutions – including, unlike under the current system, the Parliament – should have the power to oversee national budgets. Crucially, however, they say that “the responsibility of the member states for the composition of their budgets has to be fully respected”.

The ministers want “effective and binding” co-ordination at EU level of national labour market and pension rules and the voluntary commitments of the ‘euro plus’ pact, agreed last year, to be made binding. This includes areas such as tax policy co-ordination and labour-market reform.

“Bolder steps” are needed to improve the functioning of financial markets, ministers say, but many of their ideas are already on the Commission’s agenda. They include introducing a single banking supervisor and creating a common deposit-insurance scheme and a bank resolution fund – although the latter two are not supported by all ministers.

Eurobonds

Some ministers who contributed to the report – but not all – want the pooling of sovereign debt in the eurozone. This has long been a demand of France and many southern eurozone countries, but this has been consistently opposed by Germany.

The ‘firewall’

The eurozone’s rescue fund, the European Stability Mechanism (ESM), should be given greater powers so that it becomes a true “European Monetary Fund”, the ministers say. This would reignite the debate over moral hazard that saw Germany oppose expanding the fund.

Institutions

The European Commission

The foreign ministers preface their remarks on the structure of the Commission by saying: “The Commission must be strengthened so that it can fully and effectively fulfil its indispensable role as the engine of the Community method.” That, on the face of it, might suggest that they back a preservation of the Community method, in which the Commission proposes legislation, which is then voted on by the Council of Ministers and the Parliament. But the ministers also float ways to change this. “Some ministers suggested the creation of a double-hatted post of president of the Commission and president of the European Council,” the report says.

Some of the ministers support “a directly elected Commission president who appoints the members of his ‘European government’ himself, a European Parliament with the powers to initiate legislation and a second chamber for the member states.”

Number of European commissioners

They re-open the vexed issue of how many European commissioners there should be. The foreign ministers say that the Commission’s “internal organisation and its procedures should be strengthened (one possibility would be the creation of specific clusters with “senior” and “junior” commissioners); in the medium term, the number of commissioners “should be addressed”.

The presidency of Council meetings

The foreign ministers signal that they would like to reduce still further the role of the rotating presidency of the Council of Ministers. The foreign ministers are clearly concerned that, as the EU grows, it will become increasingly difficult for member states to agree on action. They want “in the medium term” to extend the scope of decisions to be taken by qualified majority, rather than unanimity.

European Parliament elections

The foreign ministers suggest ways to increase the Parliament’s “democratic visibility”. Each European political group should nominate a top candidate who would also stand for the post of Commission president. Elections to the Parliament should be held on the same day in all member states with a “limited” Europe-wide list of candidates.

Treaty changes

The foreign ministers argue that the enlargement of the EU makes it increasingly difficult to revise the EU treaties. They suggest that the requirement of unanimous support from all member states should be reduced to a requirement for a “super-qualified” majority of the member states and their population.

Foreign policy

‘Federation’ is not explicitly mentioned in the proposal, but foreign and defence policy would gain much of the centrality that they enjoy in federal and confederal systems. They suggest a European army could be formed, and want a foreign policy with much more “coherence” and “clout”.

Indeed, the proposals go further: the EU’s “comprehensive and integrated approach” to foreign policy would include “trade and external economic affairs policy, development aid, enlargement and neighbourhood policy, the management of migration flows, climate negotiations and energy security”. All these are aspects that fall – usually entirely – within the purview of the European Commission. Only development policy is explicitly mentioned as an addition to the competence of the European External Action Service (EEAS). However, the ministers’ call for a “substantial revision” of the EEAS’s competences, with the foreign policy chief being “rendered responsible for key external action areas”, suggests that they want a significant expansion of its authority, if not its responsibilities.

Schengen

The ministers propose the creation of a European border police corps to guard the external border of the Schengen area and, in the medium term, the introduction of a European visa. In theory, these would be major steps away from the inter-governmental origins of the Schengen area, which is made up of all but five EU member states (and four non-member states). In practice, the proposals might be less of a departure from the current approach.

Under the present set-up, Schengen member states issue visas through their national embassies or consulates abroad, according to their own procedures and conditions – but these are supposed to be consistent with general Schengen rules, and most types of visas are valid throughout the Schengen area. This means that already today, member states no longer have the unquestioned authority to deny entry to non-nationals.

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Après l’énorme annonce du tabloïd News Of The Word, dimanche, le très informé People renchérit sur la rumeur qui agite le tout-Hollywood, et pas seulement, depuis hier: est-ce la fin (des amours) pour et Angelina Jolie? Non, affirme le site américain, qui cite différentes sources anonymes, «proches» des deux acteurs.

«Tout va bien» entre Brad et Angie, nous rassurent ce lundi nos confrères du magazine People, pour couper court aux allégations lancées la veille par le taboïd britannique News Of The World, selon lequel un accord de séparation à l’amiable aurait été signé par les deux amants.

Le couple le plus glam’ d’Hollywood n’en est pas à son coup d’essai en la matière. Depuis des mois, chacune de leur apparition, commune ou en solo, fait l’objet de spéculations sur la bonne santé de leur relation amoureuse. Et toute l’année dernière, fans et médias ont commenté les hauts et les bas des Brangelina: leur présence remarquée, quoique presque évincée par

au bas de

et Mélanie Laurent, sur le tapis rouge de Cannes, puis de nouveau, au milieu de l’été, à Los Angeles, où les deux comédiens ont joué une remarquable comédie du bonheur. Mais aussi les virées en célibataire de Brad, de plus en plus jaloux de son indépendance, même si ce serial father sur le tard n’en est pas moins dingue de ses gosses.

Mais six, tout de même! Dont les plus petits ont 18 mois et le plus âgé 8 ans… Derrière le couple ultra-glamour, il y a un quotidien d’équilibriste entre les exigences d’une famille nombreuse –ce ne sont tout de même pas les nounous qui distribuent les câlins!- des engagements humanitaires multiples et deux carrières menées tambour battant. Quel couple y survivrait? Sans des accrocs réguliers et quelques nécessaires plages de liberté?

Faut-il s’étonner, alors, que Brad Pitt emmène Maddox pour un petit voyage entre mecs à la Nouvelle-Orléans, pendant qu’Angelina se balade avec Zahara et Shiloh, ses petites filles, à L.A? Que la star de L’Echange et de Wanted accepte une séance photo pour Vanity Fair tandis que son Jules vient donner un coup de main à son meilleur pote, George Clooney, qui organise un téléthon au profit des victimes haïtiennes du tremblement de terre?

Jusqu’ici, Brad Pitt et Angeline Jolie ont toujours affirmé, chacun de leur côté, qu’ils parvenaient quand même à se retrouver en amoureux. Dans une interview sur sa famille, sa vie et l’amour, le héros d’Inglorious Basterds avait même fait des confidences sur les recoins secrets de leur immense villa que seuls Angelina et lui connaissaient.

Le 2 janvier dernier, encore, Mr & Mrs Smith ont partagé un dîner romantique dans un restaurant français de Los Angeles, Le Périgord. Autour de leur canard confit (ou de quelque autre spécialité de notre sud-ouest qui réchauffe), ils n’avaient jamais eu l’air aussi amoureux, paraît-il…

Lundi 25 janvier 2010

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avait retardé la sortie de son album Dingue à cause de l’arrestation de Roman Polanki. Il est désormais dans les bacs, et la chanteuse se sent plus forte que jamais.

«Un cadeau du ciel», c’est ainsi qu’Emmanuelle Seigner définit son deuxième album, Dingue, qui sort ce lundi. L’incarcération de son mari, la traque des médias, tout cela semble derrière elle, et en aucun cas à même de perturber son travail.

L’album composé par

et Doriand était disponible dès l’été dernier, mais n’a pas pu sortir en raison de l’arrestation, le 26 septembre dernier de Roman Polanski, accusé d’un viol sur mineure datant de 1977. «Je ne voulais pas m’exposer, j’aurais trouvé obscène de le faire [lancer l’album] durant toute sa détention». Dans l’œil du cyclone depuis lors, Emmanuelle Seigner avait refusé de «médiatiser sa douleur», comme elle le confie au Parisien. Elle avait même frappé une journaliste qui, selon elle, la harcelait devant la porte de chez elle.

L’actrice et chanteuse ne veut pas pour autant qu’on la considère comme une «pauvre chose», et son album, drôle et léger, prouve que la vie continue, et qu’elle se concentre sur son travail. Son mari l’a d’ailleurs encouragée à ne pas s’arrêter. Et depuis que Roman Polanski a été libéré sous caution, qu’elle peut lui rendre visite, rien ne l’empêche de faire son métier.

Et ce deuxième album se révèle moins rock que le premier, Ultra Orange et Emmanuelle, qu’elle avait sorti en 2007. Dans Dingue, Emmanuelle Seigner se moque des machos, notamment dans le duo qu’elle a enregistré avec son mari, l’histoire d’une fille ivre qui invite un homme chez elle après une soirée arrosée…

Emmanuelle Seigner sera en concert le 10 mai au Palace à Paris et partira ensuite en tournée.

Dingue, Sony, 13,99 €

C.C.

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Lundi 8 février 2010

Avec courage et discrétion, la comédienne défie l’absence du père de son petit Charlie, victime d’un accident tragique au volant de sa voiture de sport le 15 novembre dernier.

Jocelyn aurait eu 31 ans ce dimanche 14 février. Pour conjurer cette triste Saint-Valentin,

a décidé d’organiser chez elle, pour sa famille et ses proches, une projection confidentielle d’Ensemble c’est trop, le dernier film de

, réalisé par Léa Fazer (en salles cette semaine). Trois mois déjà que la disparition brutale du comédien a fauché en plein bonheur un des couples les plus épanouis et les plus attachants du cinéma français. Trois mois durant lesquels la jeune femme s’est murée dans un silence que son entourage préserve.

La comédienne a trouvé le réconfort auprès de sa mère, dont elle est restée très proche, et de ses deux frères, omniprésents dans l’épreuve. Loin des soirées mondaines où elle aimait distiller sa joie de vivre, c’est donc en famille et chez elle auprès de son fils Charlie, entre son appartement du Quartier latin et sa demeure normande, qu’Alice a décidé d’affronter cette période de deuil. «Elle fait tout pour se protéger et ne rien laisser filtrer », dévoile avec respect l’un de ses proches. «Quand on lui envoie un texto, elle répond cordialement, mais sans s’épancher».

Et le monde du showbiz, souvent si versatile, n’a pas abandonné la secrète blonde… notamment

et Jean Dujardin, grand ami de Jocelyn. Elle qui résumait cet amour discret et fusionnel d’un simple : «on se comprend et on s’aime» doit aujourd’hui repartir au combat en solo.

«On a vu à quel point c’est une fille solide lors de l’enterrement de Jocelyn» explique une amie, rappelant le courage de celle qui, évitant toute effusion en public, réconfortant les proches anéantis, a interprété un morceau de Schubert au piano en guise de dernier adieu. «Il y a au moins trois choses qui font qu’on peut compter sur elle pour ne pas s’effondrer: d’abord, c’est une femme à très fort caractère, qui ne s’essouffle pas, avec elle, il faut que ça bouge. Il y a aussi Charli : quand on a un enfant encore si jeune, il faut y aller, ça aide à ne pas flancher. Enfin, elle sait mieux que personne que Jocelyn lui-même n’aurait jamais accepté qu’elle lâche prise».

D’ailleurs, selon son entourage, Alice s’oublierait dans l’action, refusant de se poser, un peu comme si elle repoussait le spectre de la mort… La belle reprendra enfin le chemin des tournages en avril, aux côtés de Charles Berling et de Niels Arestrup, pour le film Sous Influence, deux ans après sa dernière apparition sur les écrans (dans Ca$h, en avril 2008). Pour un printemps de tous les recommencements? On le lui souhaite.

Jocelyn Quivrin, son dernier rôle

Vincent Malausa

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Samedi 27 février 2010