LONDON — 

WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange appeared in court Monday to fight extradition to the United States on charges of conspiring to hack into a Pentagon computer, with his legal team saying it needs more time to prepare its case.

Assange raised a fist in a defiant gesture to acknowledge his supporters in the gallery at Westminster Magistrates’ Court for a case management hearing. He was clean shaven and wearing a blue sweater and sports jacket. He read his name to the court when asked and gave his date of birth.

Former Home Secretary Sajid Javid signed an order in June allowing Assange to be extradited. U.S. authorities accuse Assange of scheming with former Army intelligence analyst Chelsea Manning to break a password for a classified government computer. The case is expected to take months to resolve, with each side able to make several appeals of rulings.

Assange’s legal team is seeking to delay his full extradition hearing which is now set for five days in February.

Lawyer Mark Summers, representing Assange, says more time is needed to prepare Assange’s defense against “unprecedented” use of espionage charges against a journalist. Summers said the case has many facets and will require a “mammoth” amount of planning and preparation.

He also accused the U.S. of illegally spying on Assange while he was inside the Ecuadorian Embassy seeking refuge.

“We need more time,” Summers said, asking for a three-month delay.

Representing the U.S., lawyer James Lewis said the U.S. would oppose any delay to the proceeding.

The case is expected to take months to resolve, with each side able to make several appeals of rulings.

The public gallery was jammed with Assange supporters, including former London Mayor Ken Livingstone, and outside the courthouse others carried placards calling for Assange to be released.

Assange has been in Belmarsh Prison on the outskirts of London while the extradition case is being prepared. He is facing a number of serious charges including espionage.

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Assange claims he is a journalist entitled to First Amendment protection.

LONDON — 

British Prime Minister Boris Johnson was expected to push for a vote on his European Union divorce deal on Monday, as Parliament geared up for a week of guerrilla warfare over Brexit.

With just 10 days to go until the U.K. is due to leave the bloc on Oct. 31, Johnson’s government planned to ask for a “straight up-and-down vote” on the EU divorce agreement. That request comes two days after lawmakers voted to delay approving the deal.

But House of Commons Speaker John Bercow could refuse to allow such a vote because parliamentary rules generally bar the same measure from being considered a second time during the same session of Parliament unless something has changed.

Johnson’s Conservative government will also introduce the legislation necessary to implement the Brexit agreement it struck with the EU last week, opening the door to potentially lengthy debates or amendments that could scuttle the deal.

With the Brexit deadline looming and British politicians still squabbling over the country’s departure terms from the bloc, Johnson has been forced to ask the EU for a three-month delay to the departure date.

He did that, grudgingly, to comply with a law passed by Parliament ordering the government to postpone Brexit rather than risk the economic damage that could come from a no-deal exit.

But Johnson accompanied the letter to the EU, sent late Saturday, with a second note saying that he personally opposed delaying the U.K.’s Oct. 31 exit.

European Council President Donald Tusk said he would consult EU leaders on how to respond to the request. The other 27 EU members are weary of the long-running Brexit saga, but also want to avoid a no-deal British exit, which would damage economies on both sides of the Channel.

Germany’s economy minister suggested it could be a few days before the EU decided to respond to the Brexit delay request.

“We will have somewhat more clarity in the coming days, and we will then exercise our responsibility and quickly make a decision,” Germany’s Peter Altmaier said.

He told Deutschlandfunk radio that he wouldn’t have a problem with an extension by “a few days or a few weeks” if that rules out a no-deal Brexit.

But French President Emmanuel Macron, who had a phone call with Johnson over the weekend, called for a quick clarification of the U.K.’s position. In a statement, he said a delay “would not be in any party’s interest.”

France’s junior minister for European affairs, Amelie de Montchalin, told French news broadcaster BFM TV there would have to be a reason for the delay, like a parliamentary election in Britain or a new British referendum on Brexit.

The British government still hopes it can pass the needed Brexit legislation by the end of the month so the U.K. can leave on time.

But it suffered a setback on Saturday — Parliament’s first weekend sitting since the Falklands War of 1982 — when British lawmakers voted to make support for the Brexit deal conditional on passage of the legislation to implement it, something that could take several days or weeks.

That also gives lawmakers another chance to scrutinize — and possibly change— the Brexit departure terms while the bill is still in Parliament.

Vogue

In 2019, Australia celebrates its 60th birthday, marking six decades since the fashion title launched in Australia. As part of the magazine’s birthday celebrations, a collaboration was born between Australia and the National Portrait Gallery in Canberra, to launch a retrospective exhibition that celebrates our rich history. Titled , the exhibition presents the best, the boldest and the most beautiful photography from the fashion magazine’s archives. The exhibit is presented as a three-part narrative – Looking Back, Looking Out and Looking Forward – which means we’ve not only been delving into our history but also examining our present, as well as what Australia should look like in the future. It’s this process that has allowed us to reflect on some of the most iconic fashion moments over the decades and we’ve been able to track how the magazine has evolved over its 60-year history by looking at the changing nature of the cover.

The very first issue of Australia (above) came out in the 1950s and was a spring/summer issue released in 1959, with the cover photographed by Norman Parkinson. This very special cover is featured among the selection of vintage Australia covers not only presented in the exhibition, but also below. In the 60s and 70s, esteemed photographers such as Irving Penn, Helmut Newton, Henry Talbot and Lord Snowden captured the magazine’s covers, with the identities of many cover stars unknown. As we move into the 1980s, 1990s and early 2000s, you will see that our cover stars are often recognisable faces, right up to our September 2019 issue, starring Australian Hollywood actor Margot Robbie. Nowadays, the images presented by leading fashion photographers, including Nicole Bentley and Charlie Dennington, present a cross-section between the fashion model and the celebrity, with the likes of Akiima Ajak, Adut Akech, Charlee Fraser, Fernanda Ly and Andreja Pejić embodying the diversity the magazine represents in the 21st century.

We commence by looking at iconic covers from the magazine’s first decade, 1959 to 1969, before moving into the second decade, 1969 to 1979. Scroll on to see them all.

Check back next week as we delve into the 1980s.

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21st Oct 2019

There’s no doubt renovations are a stressful experience. Regardless of whether it’s your very first time or you’re a seasoned pro, getting a renovation right can be a seriously trying process. Unreliable tradespeople, sub-par materials or even bad weather can set you back weeks, if not months (and for the unlucky ones, years) and put considerable dents in budgets and patience. Which is why getting it right is all about hiring the perfect team.

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The Block’s resident hipages builder, Matthew Menichelli, has seen a few renovations in his time and knows a thing or two about ensuring you make the most of your budget to deliver the best product. Opting to use hipages for finding tradies, Menichelli is a huge fan of the app’s easy-to-use functionality, which allows users to plot in the job that needs to be done (from huge home renovations to changing some light fixtures) and receive three verified quotes from different tradespeople. All done within the app, hipages has proved a gamechanger for anyone looking for fuss-free trade hires, with the added peace of mind that hipages has verified every single tradesperson on the app. 

But finding the right team is just one of many processes on the way to a completed renovation. Below, Menichelli shares his top five tips to pulling off the dream home reno, including the mistakes to avoid from the get go. 

1. Get the details sorted first

   “All selections of fixtures and fittings are to be made prior to commencement,” he says.

2. Lock in your team well in advance

   “Trades should quote their component and [be] locked in ahead of time.”

3. Don’t go over budget before you even begin

   “Determining your budget is so important to ensure you can fund the entire project,” he confirms. “This one factor governs everything. Push aside your wants and needs as they come second. Whether or not you are in a position to fund the project is what will ultimately allow the project to move forward.”

4. Plan!

   “There’s often not enough time spent in the planning stages also not properly educating themselves on the processes,” he admits. “Time and time again, clients are so keen to get started and have hopes of making decisions on the fly through the reno process. A lot of the time this creates unknowns and in the end slows the project and adds unwanted costs.”

5. Hire people you trust

   “I have a trusted and proven relationship with everyone that I associate with across my sites. Building is a tough industry and without reliability or trust the wheels can quickly fall off!”

To find out more visit hipages.com.au or download the app.

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NEW YORK — 

Bernie Sanders leaped back onto the campaign trail Saturday with a rowdy political rally aimed at reassuring supporters unnerved by the 78-year-old’s recent heart attack — and with a lot of encouragement from an unexpected place.

The candidate competing with Sanders to lock down the Democratic Party’s most progressive voters, Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, is eager for the Vermont senator to continue his pursuit of the presidency. The prominence of their shared agenda in this race is amplified, officials from both campaigns say, by them being in it together for the distance.

Saturday’s event, with a crowd estimated by the Sanders campaign at over 25,000 people, suggested they will. Sanders exhibited a burst of resilience before the large crowd at a waterfront park in Queens’ Long Island City, unleashing on the rich, corporations and establishment Democrats in an hourlong speech. He strode on stage in a blazer and sweater on the crisp fall afternoon following full-throated endorsements from some of the most sought-after progressives in Congress, and on the heels of a fundraising quarter that surpassed even the impressive numbers Warren posted.

“I am more than ready to take on the greed and corruption of the corporate elite and the apologists,” Sanders said after thanking supporters for their good wishes amid his health scare. “I am more ready than ever to help create a government based on the principles of justice: economic justice, racial justice, social justice and environmental justice. To put it bluntly: I am back.”

The crowd erupted into chants of “Bernie’s back.”

“There is no question that I and my family have faced adversity over these last couple of weeks,” Sanders said. “But the untold story is that people everywhere in this country, in the wealthiest nation in the history of this world, are facing their own adversities.”

Sanders was joined by New York Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the 30-year-old progressive crusader whose endorsement was feverishly pursued by both him and Warren. Sanders also notched the support of Ocasio-Cortez ally Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.), a Somali immigrant and one of the first Muslim women elected to Congress. The support injected a dose of vibrancy and multiculturalism into the septuagenarian’s movement.

“The only reason I had any hope in launching a longshot campaign for Congress is because Bernie Sanders proved you can run a grassroots campaign and win in an America where we almost thought it was impossible,” Ocasio-Cortez said.

Even with the surge of momentum, the senator still faces a tough path ahead. It is unclear how far the vitality he exhibited here in New York and in Ohio at Tuesday’s Democratic debate — his other major public appearance since checking out of the hospital — will go in reassuring uneasy primary voters. Candidates in past races have seen their presidential aspirations sunk by such medical incidents.

In a YouGov poll conducted a few days before the Ohio debate, only 19% of voters and 26% of Democrats said they believed Sanders is in good enough physical condition to serve effectively as president for four years. Twice as many voters said the 76-year-old Biden was in good enough health, and three times as many expressed confidence in 70-year-old Warren’s health.

As former New Jersey Sen. Bill Bradley found after he was hospitalized for an irregular heartbeat during a 2000 presidential bid, managing voter perceptions of a health problem can be a bigger challenge than managing the health problem itself. The bout of pneumonia that briefly drove Hillary Clinton off the campaign trail in fall 2016 fed into conspiracy theories amplified by Donald Trump that she was beset with chronic health problems.

Most Sanders supporters interviewed at the rally said they were not overly concerned about his health, but several added that they worry it will make it harder to draw others to vote for him.

And what do they think about Warren? “I wouldn’t feel the frustration voting for her that I did when I had to vote for Hillary Clinton in 2016,” said Bridget Catania, a 23-year-old artist at the rally, reflecting the attitude of most rallygoers interviewed.

Sanders supporters who were interviewed emphasized — as did filmmaker Michael Moore and Sanders campaign co-chair Nina Turner, who took the stage before Sanders — that it was Sanders who transformed Democratic politics by drawing masses of voters to the progressive agenda in 2016, when it initially was written off.

“When I say there is no one like Bernard Sanders, I mean that,” Turner said. “We’ve got some people in the mainstream and neoliberal media who really can’t see the difference.”

As Sanders moves to regain his footing, he has watched Warren leapfrog past him in the race. She has become the candidate of choice for many voters focused on “Medicare for all,” free public college and taxing the super-rich.

Yet neither Sanders nor Warren are eager to crowd the other out of the race. They deliberately avoid taking shots at one another, or even taking steps to contrast their differences. Progressive activists say the alignment has made them both more potent candidates.

“People are talking about Medicare for all; they are talking about student debt relief, talking about a Green New Deal, because those policies are supported by two strong candidates,” said Adriel Hampton, a Bay Area consultant to progressives who supports Sanders. “Warren and Sanders combined are as strong a force as all the moderate candidates.”

Such progressive dominance at presidential debates and in the broader primary race “is something we have not seen in my lifetime in presidential politics,” said Hampton, 41.

As Warren takes fire from candidates eager to knock her off the front-runner perch, Sanders has become a reliable and effective defender of hers. He has no reservations about excoriating their mutual Democratic nemesis, former Vice President Joe Biden. That benefits Warren without tarnishing the image she aims to project as a unifier.

When Biden suggested at the debate that the progressives are all talk and only he has gotten big things done, Sanders pilloried some of the things Biden has loomed large in getting done: a U.S. invasion of Iraq under false pretenses, a bankruptcy bill that burdened Americans financially, trade agreements that enabled the offshoring of union jobs.

A Sanders fundraising email Friday was devoted entirely to charging Biden with acting as a tool of the health insurance industry.

But the Sanders-Warren alliance works both ways. Concerns that Sanders is threatened with being eclipsed in the race by the Massachusetts senator are cast aside, as the campaign views her as a much less significant impediment than Biden.

“The Warren coalition is different than ours,” said Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Fremont), a Sanders campaign chair. He argues Warren is not so much cannibalizing the Sanders coalition as picking off supporters from candidates like California Sen. Kamala Harris and South Bend, Ind., Mayor Pete Buttigieg.

“It has been a benefit to have both Bernie and Warren on the stage,” Khanna said. “Together, they have fundamentally redefined the Democratic Party and vindicated the progressive movement.”

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WASHINGTON — 

It wasn’t too long ago that Donald Trump derided presidential executive orders as “power grabs” and a “basic disaster.”

He’s switched sides in a big way: In each year of his presidency, he has issued more executive orders than did President Obama during the same time span. He surpassed Obama’s third-year total just recently.

Back in 2012, Trump had tweeted: “Why Is @BarackObama constantly issuing executive orders that are major power grabs of authority?”
That criticism continued once he entered the presidential race.

“The country wasn’t based on executive orders,” Trump said at a South Carolina campaign stop in February 2016. “Right now, Obama goes around signing executive orders. He can’t even get along with the Democrats, and he goes around signing all these executive orders. It’s a basic disaster. You can’t do it.”

But Trump appears to have learned what his predecessors discovered as well: It’s easier and often more satisfying to get things done through administrative action than to get Congress to go along, said Andrew Rudalevige, a professor at Bowdoin College who studies the history and effectiveness of presidential executive actions.

“Most candidates don’t realize the utility of executive actions while campaigning,” Rudalevige said. “When they become president, they quickly gain an appreciation of how difficult it is to get things done in government.”

The White House declined to comment on Trump’s use of executive orders. He surpassed Obama’s third-year total when, in the last two weeks, he issued five executive orders relating to Medicare, government transparency, federal spending and imposing sanctions on Turkish officials.

An executive order can have the same effect as a federal law — but its impact can be fleeting. Congress can pass a new law to override an executive order and future presidents can undo them.

Every president since George Washington has used the executive order power, according to the National Constitution Center, and some of those orders played a critical role in American history. President Franklin Roosevelt established internment camps during World War II. President Truman mandated equal treatment of all members of the armed forces through executive orders. And President Eisenhower used an executive order to enforce school desegregation in Little Rock, Ark.

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When Obama became frustrated with how difficult it was to push legislation through Congress, he warned Republicans he would take executive action when he considered it necessary.

He famously declared in 2014: “We’re not just going to be waiting for legislation in order to make sure that we’re providing Americans the kind of help they need. I’ve got a pen, and I’ve got a phone.”

Few candidates for office have placed as much emphasis on criticizing a predecessor’s executive orders as Trump did. He reasoned that Obama’s use of executive orders made him look like a weak negotiator. But Trump himself has had little success with Congress in that regard. His biggest legislative achievement so far, a $1.5-trillion tax cut, failed to gain one Democratic vote.

Trump has so far issued 130 executive orders. By comparison, Obama issued 108 in his first three years.

Still, Rudalevige says that comparing executive orders from one president to the next can provide a misleading snapshot of a president’s propensity for taking executive action. That’s because presidents also use memorandums and proclamations to achieve policy goals or to get the message out about their priorities. One president’s executive order might be another’s memorandum, or phone call.

Obama relied on memorandums and proclamations for some of his most disputed executive actions, so just counting his executive orders understates his efforts to take action without Congress passing a bill.

For example, protections for young immigrants brought into the country illegally as children came about through a Department of Homeland Security memorandum. That action, known as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, allowed eligible individuals to request temporary relief from deportation and apply for authorization to work in the U.S.

Obama took the action after Congress had declined to pass the Dream Act, legislation that would have helped a similar group of migrants. Republicans argued that Obama overstepped his constitutional authority. In November, the Supreme Court will hear arguments over the Trump administration’s plan to end the program, which has protected roughly 700,000 young immigrants from deportation. Lower courts have so far blocked the administration from ending the program.

Obama also issued proclamations to declare new national monuments in Utah and Nevada in his final days in office. In all, he issued 34 monument proclamations, including designating 29 new monuments and enlarging five existing monuments as he brandished his conservation legacy. Some of the largest monument designations were heavily criticized by state and local officials.

Rudalevige said that Trump appears to favor the pomp and ceremony that often comes with an executive order. He routinely makes a speech, assembled administration officials and potentially affected Americans get to thank him for taking action, and Trump often signs the order before the cameras, holding it up for photographers to capture the moment.

“I think it fits his personality,” Rudalevige said.

With its depleted defensive backfield already dealing with injuries to all three of its starting cornerbacks, USC may have also lost its top safety Saturday night.

Talanoa Hufanga, who leads USC in tackles per game and has generally been one of the Trojans’ best defenders this season, left in the second quarter, following a collision with Arizona running back J.J. Taylor. After the play, trainers appeared to be examining his arm.

Even as USC rolled to a 41-14 victory in a flurry of injuries, Hufanga’s exit is a potentially devastating development for USC’s defense. Hufanga twice broke his collarbone over the last year, missing spring practice with the second injury. But he returned to become a crucial member of USC’s defense this fall.

The Trojans lost earlier this season at Washington when playing without Hufanga, while the sophomore safety was in concussion protocol. But if Hufanga again injured his shoulder, it’s possible he could face a more extended absence, leaving Chase Williams to fill in.

Hufanga wasn’t the only key Trojans defender to go down with an injury. Standout freshman defensive end Drake Jackson left in the third quarter and did not return, leaving USC down both of its starting defensive ends.

Senior captain Christian Rector also sat out, as he continues to deal with a high ankle sprain that he suffered against Stanford. Rector hadn’t missed a game since USC’s loss to Brigham Young at the end of September, but the injury clearly lingered into last week’s defeat at Notre Dame, where Rector struggled mightily on the edge.

Injuries had already swept through USC’s secondary over the last week, claiming all three of its cornerbacks heading into Saturday’s game. Olaijah Griffin sat out against Arizona while nursing an injured back. Nickel corner Greg Johnson sat with an injured shoulder. And Isaac Taylor-Stuart opened the game on the sideline, fighting through a sprained ankle, while freshman Dorian Hewett stepped into his starting spot.

Hewett, a freshman, joined USC as an unheralded safety recruit in the offseason. For weeks, he was so buried on the depth chart, with zero previous snaps on defense, that it was unclear that he’d changed positions to cornerback.

Taylor-Stuart, who had been a game-time decision, returned to the field in the second quarter. Soon after, Arizona quarterback Khalil Tate tested him on a deep pass downfield, and Taylor-Stuart, running even with the Wildcats wideout, nearly intercepted the throw.

Even with a depleted secondary, USC stifled the Arizona offense.

Taylor-Stuart and Griffin are expected back next week, but for USC’s star safety, the prognosis remains uncertain.

Running order

With leading rusher Vavae Malepeai out for the foreseeable future, it was Stephen Carr who got the first crack as USC’s starting running back.

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But when Carr limped off in the second quarter, following an explosive 16-yard run, he gave way to redshirt freshman Markese Stepp, who has been USC’s most effective runner this season.

Stepp and Carr split carries nearly evenly in the first half, with Stepp receiving nine attempts — one fewer than his season high. The last of those carries went for a rumbling, nine-yard touchdown, just before the half.

Then, a few minutes into the third quarter, Stepp limped off, appearing to leave USC with a thin backfield led by a walk-on, Quincy Jountti, and a true freshman, Kenan Christon.

While Jountti fumbled on his first carry, Christon made the most of the opportunity, scoring on runs of 55 and 30 yards in the fourth quarter, finishing with 103 yards in eight carries.

With its depleted defensive backfield already dealing with injuries to all three of its starting cornerbacks, USC may have also lost its top safety on Saturday night.

The way the NBA’s summer went, the 2019-20 season looked like it would play out almost biblically.

Two by two, they’ll march toward the end goal. In Los Angeles, there will be the one-browed big man and the King in one Staples Center locker room and a pair of rangy two-way wings in the other. In Houston, it’ll be the patient scorer with an offensive arsenal as full as his beard with the pedal-to-the-floor triple-double machine. Eventually in Brooklyn, the enigmatic guard and the tweet-at-his-haters forward will set upon their quest.

And with it, a new era in the NBA will be ushered in with pairs of stars leading their teams with the time of “super teams” and “Big 3s” shoved into the NBA’s storage locker.

Gone is Boston with Paul Pierce, Ray Allen and Kevin Garnett. See ya, Miami with LeBron James, Chris Bosh and Dwyane Wade. Peace, Warriors of Stephen Curry, Klay Thompson and Kevin Durant.

The NBA spent the summer downsizing, with super teams giving way to super duos.

It’s been the story of the offseason, players going out on their own to orchestrate these couplings, demanding trades to make them realities. But is it really here for good, a new way executives will view team-building?

Doubtful.

Nearly every NBA scout and executive who spoke about the topic had the same reaction: These teams all have two stars because they couldn’t have three … or four … or five.

“I think to make the argument the league is shifting toward two [stars] and putting two [stars] as a priority in front of three, I’ve yet to see a team turn down having a great third player,” Warriors general manager Bob Myers said. “It’s not something that would make a lot of sense.”

If the two-star model isn’t going to revolutionize front-office thinking, it will define the upcoming season.

Anthony Davis forced a trade out of New Orleans to pair up with LeBron James and the Lakers. Kevin Durant and Kyrie Irving spurned the Knicks to play for the Nets in Brooklyn. Kawhi Leonard wanted to be a Clipper but only if Paul George was on board. With George out of Oklahoma City, James Harden and the Rockets decided to flip his old dance partner, Chris Paul, for a new one, Russell Westbrook.

And that all happened in less than a month.

A variety of factors pushed the league into this frenzy, executives said. The market was full of talent and desirable destinations had money to spend and assets ready to deal. The Golden State dynasty had just been toppled by Toronto, with injuries and Durant’s expected departure opening the title field in a way it hadn’t been since 2015 (when the Miami Heat big three disbanded).

Each situation is unique and each will be judged by whether it leads to a championship.

LeBron James

and Anthony Davis

A deal six months in the making, the Lakers gave up a haul — almost all of their best young players and almost all of their best draft picks — to push the deal across the finish line. It was a necessity.

By getting the deal done, the Lakers gave James the most talented teammate he’s ever had, a player better than Wade, Bosh or Irving. He’s a perfect pick-and-roll partner for James, and his all-around offensive game is underrated.

He can guard too, which is going to matter for the Lakers.

The plan is for Davis to eventually eclipse James as the focal point of the offense. First, he’ll have to re-sign with the team as a free agent next summer, though things would have to go pretty wrong for him to walk.

Davis wanted to be a Laker and now he is. Why turn your back on that?

Kawhi Leonard

and Paul George

One of the questions that general managers have been asking this offseason is a fun one: Would the Clippers have rather just signed Leonard?

On the night they pulled off the biggest acquisitions in franchise history, the Clippers vaulted into instant NBA title contenders by pairing Leonard and George with a team perfectly designed to incorporate a couple of superstars.

But the cost for George was higher than a lot of people around the NBA would’ve been willing to pay — all those picks and a player with as much promise as Shai Gilgeous-Alexander.

George is regarded as one of the league’s best offensive-defensive talents. The worry is that injuries (the latest surgeries to repair both shoulders) will keep the Clippers from getting a return on their massive investment.

This partnership looks great on paper — two guys who work hard on both ends and fit well with the no-drama culture the Clippers created a year ago.

But if the Clippers are empty-handed in two years when both players can become free agents, the trade’s skeptics will have been proved correct.

James Harden

and Russell Westbrook

Of all the high-profile pairings this summer, this one feels like it makes the least sense and could be the most panicked. But like most of Houston’s fatal flaws, it probably won’t show up until the postseason.

Not having to pay Chris Paul a staggering $44 million when he’s 36 years old in 2022 is a big win for the Rockets; having to pay Westbrook $171 million over the next four seasons isn’t as much of a victory.

At his best, Westbrook plays with a game-changing energy, putting pressure on defenses whenever he touches the ball.

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The issue is that when you play alongside Harden, you might not touch the ball that often.

In the regular season, the fix is fairly simple — coach Mike D’Antoni will make sure one of the two is on the court at all times, giving Houston two of the most difficult players in the NBA for people to defend.

But together, Westbrook’s shooting certainly will be a factor — his career mark from three-point range is 30.8%.

It’s a fascinating pairing for Houston, which continues to try to find the right pieces to put around Harden. But if it’s not Westbrook, what could possibly be next?

Kevin Durant

and Kyrie Irving

Of the new super duos, Irving and Durant are the only two who signed together in free agency. They’re also the only pair that won’t play together this season with Durant shutting down any talk of an early return from a torn Achilles tendon.

Maybe more than any of these other basketball couples, Irving and Durant seemed determined to team up, an interesting decision considering their pasts.

They have both had to share the spotlight with mixed results — Irving wanted out of Cleveland after the Cavaliers turned the team over to James upon his return from Miami, and Durant left the Thunder to win and the Warriors to prove that he doesn’t need Golden State to win.

Depending on the basketball people you ask, both personalities can vary from “misunderstood” to “enigmatic” to good old-fashioned “difficult.”

There are questions marks in Brooklyn. Will Durant fully recover from his serious injury? Who will emerge as the team’s dominant force? People around the NBA are eagerly watching because neither seems to enjoy working in the shadows.

Best of

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There are still teams moving forward with more than two stars.

The healthy Warriors could have a lineup built around Stephen Curry with three former All-Stars, while the 76ers will send out three in Joel Embiid, Ben Simmons and Al Horford plus Tobias Harris, who just got paid like an All-Star.

Whether it was just perfect timing during a crazy summer or a trend that’s emerging, the best NBA teams, especially in the West, will rely on superstar duos to try to reach the NBA Finals, setting the stage for what people expect to be one of the closest NBA seasons in recent memory.

“What Boston did was special. What Miami did was special. But I think it goes back to you have two guys that are the guys and you have a group around them that supports them,” George said.

“I think it’s a good thing for the league. It changed the league. … Everyone was looking for a big three and it didn’t work for a lot of teams and now, this is a new dynamic for the new generation of the league.”