Que pense la presse américaine du “Dunkerque” de Christopher Nolan, qui sortira dans nos salles le 19 juillet prochain ? Revue de tweets.

Les critiques de Dunkerque, le nouveau long métrage de Christopher Nolan, sont tombées. Les premiers retours de la presse US annoncent un grand film de guerre, comme l’illustrent ces quelques tweets. Dunkerque, qui pour mémoire raconte le récit de la fameuse évacuation des troupes alliées de Dunkerque en mai 1940, sort en France mercredi prochain. 

Steven Weintraub (Collider) : “Dunkerque en IMAX vous colle au fond de votre siège. Je n’ai rien de vu pareil auparavant. Voyez le en IMAX !”

Dunkirk is edge of your seat filmmaking that’s fully realized in @IMAX. Can honestly say I’ve never seen anything like it. See this in IMAX! pic.twitter.com/7F10lnBB5U

— Steven Weintraub (@colliderfrosty) 10 juillet 2017

Erik Davis (Fandango) : “Dunkerque est chaotique, implacable, vous tient en haleine, et l’un des films les plus captivant que vous pourrez voir cette année. D’une grande maitrise. Quel voyage !  En l’espace de 30 secondes, Nolan délivre une scène d’ouverture spectaculaire qui vous colle au fond de votre siège. Puis la tension monte de plus en plus. De la mise en scène au montage, en passant par la photo et la musique, avec Dunkerque, Nolan prouve qu’il est l’un des plus grands réalisateurs de notre époque.“

#Dunkirk is chaotic, relentless, thrilling & one of the most captivating movies you will see this year. A master class in craft. What a ride pic.twitter.com/7PUxG71KKZ

— ErikDavis (@ErikDavis) 10 juillet 2017

Ali Plumb (Radio1) : “Dunkerque est un film de guerre, mais comme jamais vu auparavant. C’est comme si vous y étiez. C’est fort et brutal.”

Also, #Dunkirk is a war film, but not like one I’ve ever seen before. It’s the closest I could imagine to being there. It’s loud and brutal.

— Ali Plumb (@AliPlumb) 10 juillet 2017

Jake Coyle (Associated Press) : “Dunkerque surpasse la plupart des films vus cette année. Pur, du cinéma intégral. La mer, le ciel et [Mark] Rylance.”

FWIW I thought DUNKIRK was heads above most everything else this year. Pure, maximum cinema. All sea and sky and Rylance.

— Jake Coyle (@jakecoyleAP) 10 juillet 2017

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Eric Eisenberg (CinemaBlend) : “Dunkerque vous tient en haleine, magnifique et encore plus fort en 70mm IMAX, mais il ne faut pas ignorer qu’aucune personnalité / personnage ne se distingue réellement“.

Dunkirk is thrilling, beautiful & a must in 70mm IMAX – but it’s also hard to ignore that it has zero distinctive personalities/characters.

— (((Eric Eisenberg))) (@eeisenberg) 10 juillet 2017

Alicia Malone (Fandango) : “Intense ! 3 histoires sur 3 temporalités. Presque un film muet avec une bande-son incroyable. Ca va peut être diviser. J’adore. Voyez le en 70 mm !”

DUNKIRK: intense! 3 intercutting stories on 3 time frames. Almost a silent film, w/ incredible score. May be divisive. I LOVED. See 70mm! pic.twitter.com/E6Xga21Skm

— Alicia Malone (@aliciamalone) 10 juillet 2017

Dunkerque : Christopher Nolan révèle ses 11 films influences

Pour son mariage avec Rafael Nadal le 19 octobre dernier, Xisca Perelló avait choisi comme deuxième robe de mariée une création Rosa Clara. Une création sur mesure, qui semble avoir été fortement inspirée par la robe que portait Meghan Markle pour la réception qui a suivi son mariage en 2018.

Certains détails ne laissent aucune place au doute. Le 19 octobre dernier, Rafael Nadal a dit “oui” à son amour d’enfance Xisca Perelló dans un château du XVIIe siècle sur l’île de Majorque, là même ils se sont rencontrés lorsqu’ils étaient enfants. Et pour être parfaite lors de son mariage avec le tennisman qui partage sa vie depuis 14 ans, la jeune femme née Maria Francisca Perelló, avait opté pour pas une, mais deux robes de mariée. La première, créé sur mesure par la styliste Rosa Clara, était inspirée du mouvement art déco, évasée brodée de dentelles sur le buste, à manches longues. Mais la deuxième, très moderne et élégante, ressemblait quelque peu à la robe que portait Meghan Markle lors de la réception qui a suivi son mariage avec le prince Harry.

En effet, Xisca Perelló portait une robe dos nue longue endentelle de Chantilly, composée de motifs floraux, de broderies faites à la main, ainsi que de micro-pierreries transparentes incrustées dans la dentelle. Une création signée également Rosa Clara, dont la forme n’était pas sans rappeler la robe dos nue de la duchesse de Sussex. Au détail près que, imaginée par Stella McCartney, la robe de l’épouse du prince Harry était blanche en crêpe unie, et ne comportait ni broderies ni pierres précieuses. Une création qui n’est cependant plus réservée à Meghan Markle, puisque la créatrice l’a intégrée à sa collection de robes de mariées, Made with love, en vente uniquement au Royaume-Uni.

Tandis qu’ils filent le parfait amour depuis de nombreuses années, Nafael Nadal et Xisca Perelló se sont fiancés en mai 2018, gardant pour eux cette heureuse nouvelle jusqu’en janvier dernier. Désormais mariés, le tennisman et son épouse s’apprêtent probablement à passer à l’étape suivante dans leur relation : fonder une famille. “De toute évidence, j’ai l’intention de fonder une famille. J’aime les enfants et j’aimerais que mes enfants fassent ce qu’ils veulent”, expliquait dans une rare confidence le tennisman à Hola il y a quelques mois. Une magnifique conclusion pour cet amour de jeunesse qui s’est transformé en l’amour de toute une vie.

Crédits photos : Best Image

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A la manière d’un calendrier de l’avent, les chaînes M6 et TF1 dévoilent leurs traditionnels téléfilms de Noël. Au programme, des bons sentiments, de la magie, de l’amour et des larmes chaque après-midi à compter de ce lundi 6 novembre.

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1. Noël à la télévision
+

Lundi 6 novembre à 14h10 sur M6.
Avec Melissa Joan Hart, Dean Cain.
Lire la suite

© STARZ MEDIAS

WASHINGTON — 

The House Judiciary Committee, which is spearheading the Democratic-led impeachment drive, will move swiftly to draft articles of impeachment against President Trump, possibly by the end of this week, the panel’s chairman said Sunday.

Trump’s congressional supporters separately found themselves on the defensive over the disclosure that the president’s personal lawyer, Rudolph W. Giuliani, traveled last week to Ukraine and met with political figures associated with efforts to dig up dirt on former Vice President Joe Biden and his son, Hunter.

Giuliani is a central character in the impeachment drama, having led what witnesses portrayed as a shadow foreign policy built around the president’s personal political agenda of advancing the discredited theory that Ukraine, not Russia, interfered in the 2016 election, and that the Bidens engaged in corruption.

The Judiciary Committee plans a hearing on Monday to hear evidence gathered by the Intelligence Committee during its investigation.

The results may determine how broad the articles of impeachment against Trump will be — in particular, whether they will reach back to episodes of possible obstruction of justice outlined in the Russia report submitted last spring by special counsel Robert S. Mueller III.

Mueller said he could not exonerate Trump of obstruction but indicated he followed Justice Department guidelines saying a sitting president could not be indicted. That was widely read as a suggestion that the only available remedy was impeachment.

Rep. Jerrold Nadler (D-N.Y.), the Judiciary Committee chairman, said the scope and nature of the articles of impeachment were still under consideration. Abuse of presidential power in connection with Ukraine policy and obstruction of the current impeachment probe were expected to be the centerpiece.

“The fact is that we’re not going to make any decision as to how broad the articles should be, as to what they contain, what the wording is, until after the hearing” on Monday, Nadler said on CNN’s “State of the Union.”

“We’ll bring articles of impeachment, presumably, before the committee at some point later in the week,” he said on NBC’s “Meet the Press.”

Citing what he called “uncontested” evidence that Trump acted improperly to pressure Ukraine, Nadler said the fast pace of the impeachment proceedings was dictated by pressing worries about the integrity of the 2020 campaign.

“The president, based on his past performance, will do everything to make it not a fair election,” Nadler said in an interview on ABC’s “This Week.”

Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Burbank), who heads the House Intelligence Committee, said on CBS’ “Face the Nation” the proceedings should “focus on those issues that provide the greatest threat to the country.”

He added: “The president is engaged in a course of conduct that threatens the integrity of the next election.”

In the months since the August complaint by an anonymous whistleblower about Trump’s dealings with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky kick-started the impeachment drive, the president has sometimes spoken in a manner that undercuts those trying to defend him.

This weekend, he seemingly gave his seal of approval to Giuliani’s latest trip to Ukraine, even while his congressional allies have claimed that the Democrats have not conclusively proven that the former New York mayor has acted at the president’s behest.

Trump on Saturday spoke enthusiastically of Giuliani’s visit last week to the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv, telling reporters at the White House: “I hear he has found plenty.” Trump also said Giuliani wanted to share his findings with Congress.

Rep. Mark Meadows (R-N.C.), a zealous Trump ally, said Sunday on CNN: “I don’t know of any role that Rudy Giuliani is playing on behalf of the president.”

He added, “I don’t know that he’s over there at the president’s direction, and in fact I would suggest that he is not.”

Another ardent Trump backer, Rep. Matt Gaetz of Florida, said on ABC that Giuliani’s trip was “weird” and “odd,” coming during the impeachment proceedings, but said if Giuliani wanted to appear before congressional investigators and explain his role, that would be “helpful.”

The White House, which has denounced the House proceedings as illegitimate, said Friday the president’s team would not take part in Monday’s hearing. The administration has blocked compliance with subpoenas for documents and testimony from senior officials.

Gaetz, however, suggested that Trump’s acting chief of staff, Mick Mulvaney, and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, together with Giuliani, should appear before investigators. It would be “to the president’s advantage to have people testify who could exculpate him,” Gaetz said.

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WASHINGTON — 

Elizabeth Warren was paid nearly $2 million for legal work stretching back three decades, her campaign disclosed Sunday night, amid calls from a top Democratic presidential rival that the Massachusetts senator should be more forthcoming about what she earned from past corporate clients.

In May, Warren released a list of close to 60 cases she worked on as an attorney going back to the 1980s. Fifteen pages of new data now show what she was paid in nearly 40 of those — about $1.9 million.

The list includes “all the income she earned from each case that we have been able to determine from public records, Elizabeth’s personal records and other sources,” Warren spokeswoman Kristen Orthman said.

“If Democrats are going to defeat Donald Trump, or whoever the Republican Party might replace him with, we must nominate a candidate who can create the most robust possible contrast against Republicans on conflicts of interest and corruption issues,” Orthman said in a statement. “Elizabeth does not sell access to her time — no closed-door big-dollar fundraisers, no bundling program, no perks or promises to any wealthy donor.”

The new information comes against the backdrop of an escalating feud between Warren and Mayor Pete Buttigieg of South Bend, Ind. Last week, Warren decried the mayor’s attending of closed-door fundraisers, saying, “I think that Mayor Pete should open up the doors so that anyone can come in and report on what’s being said.” She added, “No one should be left to wonder what kind of promises are being made to the people that then pony up big bucks to be in the room.”

Buttigieg and his campaign shot back that Warren should release more of her past tax returns, shedding additional light on what she earned as an attorney for rich and powerful firms — setting the stage for Sunday’s disclosure. Warren had previously released 11 years of tax returns.

The pair have also clashed over Buttigieg’s past work for powerful consulting firm McKinsey & Co. from 2007 to 2010. Buttigieg on Friday released a summary of the work he did — but he has not heeded Warren’s calls to make public a full client list, citing a nondisclosure agreement he signed with McKinsey.

Warren’s campaign said Sunday’s disclosure provides more information on her business income than releasing additional, past tax returns would because her tax documents don’t fully itemize earnings the same way the details it released do.

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A steady rise in the polls throughout the summer landed Warren among the Democratic primary front-runners, but polling in recent weeks has suggested her support is plateauing or beginning to slip. At the same time, Buttigieg has seen his polling numbers improve enough to become a front-runner himself, with the leadoff Iowa caucuses now less than two months away.

Among the clients for whom Warren consulted were the attorneys for Rabobank, a Dutch financial institution that became a creditor in the Enron bankruptcy; former directors of Getty Oil, who were involved in Texaco’s bankruptcy; and women whose allegations of harm from silicone breast implants produced by Dow Corning were imperiled when the company filed for bankruptcy.

The cases listed involve Warren serving as a consultant, mediator or expert witness in addition to those in which she served as counsel. Her largest disclosed payday was nearly $187,000 for a case originally filed in 1995. Her campaign said Warren “represented a well-known chain of department stores to make sure that it could stay alive and pay its creditors. Elizabeth succeeded, and the company continued to employ people across its many stores.”

Warren taught at Harvard Law School before being elected to the Senate in 2012.

NEW YORK — 

Michael R. Bloomberg sat stone-faced behind an ornate desk at City Hall, as speaker after speaker berated him for four and a half hours.

“I may not be able to vote yet, but I know for a fact that what you are doing is wrong,” a 14-year-old from Brooklyn told him. “Quite frankly, Mayor Bloomberg, you are cheating.”

It was Nov. 3, 2008, the day before Barack Obama was elected president. The economy was in a deep recession. Bloomberg’s second term was near its end, and, against the advice of some of his closest advisors, he had strong-armed a divided City Council to extend a two-term limit that had been imposed by voters, so that he could run again. New York, he declared, needed him.

Before he could sign that extension into law, he had to endure days of withering face-to-face criticism from New Yorkers who accused him of hypocritically circumventing democracy. Bloomberg also paid a price: In 2009, he barely squeaked to a third term over a fairly weak opponent. And that was after spending $100 million of his own money.

It was audacious, humbling and ultimately successful. Bloomberg now hopes to parlay his largely successful tenure as mayor of the nation’s most populous city, along with his heavy spending on progressive causes like curbing gun violence and mitigating climate change, into a successful bid for the Democratic nomination for president.

Bloomberg’s strategists are modeling their effort on his longshot race for mayor in 2001. He was initially dismissed as yet another rich person indulging with politics as a hobby. Bloomberg turned that perception around by spending generously on direct mail and TV ads. He also convinced voters that his Wall Street experience and entrepreneurial ability were assets. The uncertainties of the 9/11 attacks, Bloomberg’s enormous spending and a last-minute endorsement from the incumbent mayor, Rudolph W. Giuliani, helped push him over the line.

Bloomberg used about $74 million of his fortune for his race in 2001, $85 million in 2005 and $102 million in 2009. With a net worth estimated at $54 billion, he can easily burn through multiple times the $1.6 billion that Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton and their allies spent in total during the 2016 presidential campaign. Since he announced his candidacy on Nov. 24, Bloomberg has spent more than $60 million advertising on TV, cable and social media, according to Advertising Analytics, an ad tracking firm.

Still, even his admirers acknowledge that winning a national Democratic primary will be a uphill battle. Bloomberg is a billionaire seeking favor among Democratic voters who are deeply worried about inequality in income and wealth. His commitment to the party is tenuous: A longtime Democrat, he became a Republican so he could face a less-competitive primary when he ran for mayor in 2001, and then declared himself an independent in 2007 before returning to the Democratic Party last year.

Moreover, no New York City mayor has ever been a major-party nominee for president, though several — John V. Lindsay in 1972, Giuliani in 2008 and the current mayor, Bill de Blasio, this year — have tried.

Having thrice decided against running for president — in 2008, 2016 and most recently in March — Bloomberg changed his mind in November, when surveys conducted by his and other pollsters showed President Trump with a strong chance of winning six swing states that could likely decide the 2020 election.

Bloomberg entered the race too late to take part in the New Hampshire primary, and he is skipping the caucuses in Iowa, where his rivals have been campaigning for the last year. Instead he is placing his bets on Super Tuesday, hoping that a blizzard of TV and internet ads will sway Democratic voters in 14 states, including California and Texas, that will vote on March 3.

“I think that at age 77 he decided it was his last chance to get in to make his pitch, and to defeat Donald Trump,” said Eleanor Randolph, a veteran journalist whose largely sympathetic biography, “The Many Lives of Michael Bloomberg,” was published in September.

“He has told friends that he will reassess his position after Super Tuesday,” she said. “By then, if there’s no candidate, who knows? Seat belts, anyone?”

During Bloomberg’s mayoralty, from 2002 to 2013, New York changed in ways that were hard to miss. Nearly 40% of the city was rezoned; bike lanes and parks opened; skyscrapers sprouted; and Lower Manhattan emerged from the ashes of 9/11 as a vibrant residential neighborhood. The city became safer and more prosperous. Tourists descended in record numbers. Gentrification transformed sections of the city; Brooklyn came to rival Manhattan as measured by food, amenities and cost of housing. Bans on smoking indoors and in parks, and on trans fats in restaurants, made New Yorkers healthier.

But Bloomberg’s record has also come under harsher scrutiny since he left office. Steep increases in the cost of housing have squeezed the middle class. While race relations improved, the Police Department’s use of stop-and-frisk tactics disproportionately affected black and Hispanic residents, and was deemed unconstitutional. The city’s public schools, which the state put under the mayor’s control during Bloomberg’s first term, remain uneven. Public housing deteriorated under Bloomberg’s watch; poverty rose; and the city’s jail, Rikers Island, became a byword for chaos and violence. (The city is trying to shut it down.)

Recent interviews with a dozen longtime players in New York City politics revealed a profound ambivalence. Even those who respect his record thought it would be hard for a Jewish billionaire to be embraced in pivotal states like Ohio and Wisconsin — or even in liberal states like California, where voters seem skeptical or indifferent toward Bloomberg.

At the time of the term-limits debate, Letitia James was a Brooklyn councilwoman who fiercely opposed Bloomberg on issues such as policing and housing. James was later elected the city’s public advocate, and this year took office as the state’s attorney general.

“Right now we are facing some major challenges to our democracy,” said James, who has remained neutral in the presidential nominating fight. “I would like a candidate who can return our country to normalcy.”

Asked if she could see supporting Bloomberg, she replied: “I’m not there yet.”

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John C. Liu, a state senator from Queens, who as a councilman and as city comptroller often clashed with Bloomberg, agreed. “Anybody-but-Trump is a pretty strong motivation,” he said. “Bloomberg would be far preferable to the guy in the Oval Office right now. The question is not whether he can win the swing states. The question is whether he can prevail in the primary.”

Those who have worked for Bloomberg describe a meticulous and steady manager, with outsize ambitions and little interest in process or horse-trading.

“Mike is an optimist, but he’s a contrarian; he’s also extremely practical,” said Daniel L. Doctoroff, who was Bloomberg’s deputy mayor for economic development from 2002 to 2008, and then led Bloomberg’s privately held company.

Bloomberg did not expect to become mayor in 2001, Doctoroff said. But, he added, “The mistake no one should ever make is to underestimate Mike Bloomberg.”

Stephen Goldsmith, a Republican former mayor of Indianapolis who now teaches at Harvard, served as a deputy mayor for operations during Bloomberg’s third term. He said he did not think Bloomberg had entered the race out of vanity.

“I think he’s legitimately concerned about the country,” Goldsmith said.

In a 2017 biography of Bloomberg, Chris McNickle, a historian who lives in the Bronx, said the term limits debate was a low point for Bloomberg, but also proof of the billionaire’s tenacity.

“He was seen by a significant minority of New Yorkers as willing to bend democratic norms to suit his personal ambitions in an arrogant manner,” McNickle said in an interview. “Yet there is little evidence that it had an impact on his effectiveness.”

For 28 years, it was easy to find live television coverage of the California Legislature on cable systems across the state. The gavel-to-gavel broadcasting ensured that those who were interested could hold legislators accountable for their votes in Sacramento.

But that won’t be the case when the Legislature reconvenes four weeks from today. The California Channel, the venerable broadcasting organization launched in 1991, went dark on Oct. 16 after its cable television patrons decided to cut the funding and pull the plug.

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“Think about it nationally: If C-SPAN went away, people would lose their minds,” said Assemblyman Kevin Mullin (D-South San Francisco).

LIVE TV OR LIVESTREAM OF CALIFORNIA’S CAPITOL?

The California Channel was a mom-and-pop operation in comparison to C-SPAN. Its broadcast day was less than eight hours long until additional taped programs paved the way for an around-the-clock schedule in 2009. Even then, the effect was measured more in reach — 136 cable systems at last measurement — than actual ratings.

(Full disclosure: I served as moderator of a 2014 gubernatorial debate jointly produced by the Los Angeles Times, KQED and the Cal Channel.)

Times columnist George Skelton wrote in September that the Cal Channel’s annual budget was $1.2 million. Cable industry officials insist it was not money but relevance that led to their decision. The Legislature is now required to post recordings of all proceedings online within 24 hours, and there is some legislative-controlled livestreaming of floor debates in the state Senate and Assembly.

“The coverage provided by the Cal Channel became duplicative,” said Carolyn McIntyre, president of the California Cable & Telecommunications Assn.

Mullin and legislative officials have been studying the options for bringing legislative proceedings back to television screens instead of just relying on internet service. One hurdle, he admitted, is perception: They don’t want to be seen as being in charge of “state-run television,” as Mullin called it. The other dilemma is getting the signal to each cable provider, a process complicated by the fact that Cal Channel’s technical infrastructure has already been dismantled and in some cases donated to others.

“Itʼs more complicated than anyone realized,” he said last week.

The early effort will rely on streaming video sent by the Legislature to PEG (public, educational and government) access channels across the state. What happens after that depends on whether others — journalists and nonprofits alike — get involved. “I hope someone steps in and sees the public value in this,” said Mullin.

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NATIONAL ROUNDUP

— The House Judiciary Committee may draft articles of impeachment against President Trump by the end of this week, the panel’s chairman said Sunday.

— Democrats are unified on impeachment, and the only significant point of contention is how expansive of a case to make.

— Sen. Kamala Harris may not have run a perfect presidential campaign, but her exit from the race means more than adequate time to politically recover for consideration as vice president or reelection in 2022.

— Mayor Pete Buttigieg of South Bend, Ind., released new details on Friday about his confidential work with McKinsey & Co. a decade ago, while insisting the company should allow him to divulge even more.

— “This isn’t a line that we chose to cross. The line crossed us,” said Wisconsin businessman Bill Penzey of his decision to mix politics with his parsley and paprika — and support the impeachment of Trump.

— Expanded paid parental leave in exchange for a national “space force”? That could be the deal that’s on the table in Washington.

— A voting site in a majority-black Georgia community is reopened after a grass-roots fight.

TODAY’S ESSENTIALS

— Faced with an unprecedented string of wildfires across California, overtime costs for firefighters have surged by 65% in the last decade, pushing annual wages to nearly $5 billion, according to a Times analysis of state payroll records.

— As the end of his first year in office nears, Gov. Gavin Newsom has found himself on the wrong side of one of the most formidable factions of organized labor at the state Capitol — the State Building and Construction Trades Council of California — in a fight that could threaten his agenda.

— A new inspector general at Caltrans has found millions of dollars in misspending on transportation improvement projects in the last year as the state has seen its coffers swell from increases to California’s gas taxes and vehicle fees.

— California’s campaign watchdog agency has suspended a long-standing policy banning its members from contributing to federal candidates after one commissioner donated to Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders’ presidential bid.

— Three members of the Los Angeles City Council called for full taxpayer financing of city election campaigns, resurrecting an idea that was proposed nearly three years ago but went nowhere.

— An epidemic of car burglaries in San Francisco over the last few years has led one Democratic lawmaker to propose plugging a loophole in state law that allows some break-ins to go unpunished, but the Legislature has balked at prosecutors’ requests to make obtaining convictions easier.

LOGISTICS

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A playoff atmosphere permeated the Coliseum on Sunday — and with good reason.

Each of the Rams’ remaining games is essentially an elimination game as they attempt to make a run to a third consecutive postseason berth.

Coach Sean McVay felt it in the stadium before his team played the Seattle Seahawks.

“There was a buzz even just walking out,” he said.

The Rams stayed in the hunt for a third consecutive playoff appearance by defeating the Seahawks 28-12 before a crowd of 71,501.

Jared Goff passed for two touchdowns, Malcolm Brown and Todd Gurley rushed for touchdowns, and the defense neutralized Seahawks quarterback Russell Wilson as the Rams improved to 8-5.

The Rams survived interceptions on consecutive third-quarter series, including one that was returned for a touchdown, and a blocked field-goal attempt thanks to a defense that has surrendered only a touchdown and two field goals in the last two games.

“It’s taken us a little while to get there, but I believe we’re hitting our stride at the right time,” safety Eric Weddle said.

The Rams’ victory does not affect their standing much in the NFC West.

San Francisco bounced back from a narrow loss to Baltimore and improved to 11-2 with a 48-46 last-second victory at New Orleans on Sunday. The Seahawks are 10-3.

But the Rams avoided falling off the pace for a possible NFC wild-card spot. They are chasing Minnesota (9-4), which defeated Detroit 20-7 on Sunday.

The Rams play the Cowboys next Sunday at Dallas, and then face the 49ers at Levi’s Stadium before concluding the season against Arizona at the Coliseum. The Rams probably need to win all of their games — and receive help from Vikings opponents — to secure a wild-card spot.

“We know what’s at stake,” edge rusher Dante Fowler said. “I mean, it’s no secret.”

Neither is the Rams’ mission.

“It’s more must-wins the rest of the way,” Weddle said. “We kept our season alive, and we’ve got to keep that energy.”

The Rams’ performance was uneven at times Sunday. But it was far better than the last time they played at the Coliseum. Two weeks ago, fans booed them during a 45-6 rout by the Ravens on “Monday Night Football.”

“That’s as bad as you can really get beat — on ‘Monday Night Football’ at home,” said Goff, who completed 22 of 31 passes for 293 yards, “and we’ve come back from that and shown that we do have some fight to us.”

The Rams went into Sunday’s game coming off last week’s 34-7 victory over the Cardinals. It was a win that showcased what appeared to be the rejuvenation of an offense that featured heavy doses of Gurley, play-action passes by Goff, and career performances by Woods and tight end Tyler Higbee.

On Sunday, the Rams picked up where they left off, building a 21-3 halftime lead on Brown’s short touchdown run and Goff’s scoring passes to Woods and Cooper Kupp. The Seahawks scored on Quandre Diggs’ 55-yard interception return, but the Rams put together a 95-yard drive that Gurley capped with a touchdown run that featured the stiff-arm move he used so effectively in 2017 and 2018.

“Vintage Todd,” according to Goff.

“He’s a bad man,” Goff said. “That’s what I told him. He’s a bad dude.”

Gurley rushed for 79 yards and a touchdown in 23 carries. He also caught four passes for 34 yards.

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Higbee caught seven passes for 116 yards, and Woods had seven catches for 98.

The defense made it easy for Goff and the offense by preventing the Seahawks’ offense from scoring a touchdown. That had not happened to Seattle since the 2017 opener against Green Bay.

“They played great,” Seahawks coach Pete Carroll said of the Rams. “They did just what they wanted to do.”

On Oct.3 at Seattle, Wilson torched the Rams for four touchdown passes in a 30-29 victory. But he faced a different defense Sunday, one that no longer featured cornerbacks Marcus Peters and Aqib Talib — who were traded — and now includes star cornerback Jalen Ramsey.

On Sunday, Wilson completed 22 of 36 passes for 245 yards with an interception. Linebacker Samson Ebukam sacked him twice, and Fowler and lineman Aaron Donald each had 11/2 sacks.

“They got up early, made some plays in the second half on defense, and stopped us on third down when they needed to,” Wilson said.

Ebukam said facing Ravens quarterback Lamar Jackson, Cardinals quarterback Kyler Murray and Wilson — all dual threats — in consecutive weeks rather than scattered throughout the schedule helped the Rams.

Gurley said this past week that the Rams were “scratching” to get into the playoffs.

“We’re still scratching,” he said Sunday.

McVay and his players refused to look ahead, even to next Sunday’s game against the Cowboys. All they can do, they reiterated, is continue to win.

“We’ll see,” McVay said, “if we can keep things rolling.”

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There were no excessive stunts along the line or blitzes from the secondary. The Rams defense bottled up the dangerous and elusive Russell Wilson and hit the mute button on a high-powered Seattle Seahawks offense the old-fashioned way Sunday night.

The Rams stayed in their lanes, pushing their rush equally from the middle and the outside and not over-pursuing the quarterback, to generate pressure that collapsed the pocket around Wilson and left few escape routes for the NFL most valuable player candidate.

The evenhanded and effective rush, combined with some tight coverage, kept the Seahawks offense out of the end zone for only sixth time in Wilson’s 125 career starts and the first time since the 2017 season opener against Green Bay to snap a streak of 46 games.

“That was a focal point this week — we had to make sure [Wilson] didn’t hurt us as much as he did in the first game with his legs,” linebacker Samson Ebukam said after the Rams kept their playoff hopes alive with a 28-12 victory before a crowd of 71,501 in the Coliseum.

“We had to be disciplined. We had to do our job and trust that the plays are going to come to us instead of always trying to go make plays, because he will make you miss. He’s a baller.”

Wilson carved up the Rams in a 30-29 victory in Seattle nine weeks ago, completing 17 of 23 passes for 268 yards and four touchdowns and a 151.8 quarterback rating. He had flustered the Rams with a variety of play-action fakes and bootlegs and his knack for extending plays with his legs.

Compared to that performance, Wilson looked like he was operating in quicksand Sunday night. He completed 22 of 36 passes for 245 yards, no touchdowns and one interception for a rating of 69.8. He had only two completions of 20 yards or more and rushed five times for 28 yards.

The Rams sacked Wilson five times for losses of 43 yards, with Ebukam dropping him twice for a loss of 18 yards and edge rusher Dante Fowler and tackle Aaron Donald notching 1½ sacks each. The Seahawks converted only five of 14 third-down plays (36%) and one of two fourth-down plays.

“We decided to rush together today, to collapse the pocket and don’t let him get out of there,” Rams defensive lineman Michael Brockers said. “I think that’s the best way of rushing him. I’ve seen him wreck games when we try to rush our own way and he gets out.”

The Rams defense set the tone on Seattle’s first possession after Wilson drove the Seahawks from their 25-yard line to the Rams’ 15, where he was sacked by Ebukam for a six-yard loss on third down. Seattle settled for a Jason Myers 39-yard field goal and a 3-0 lead.

Midway through the second quarter, Wilson failed to complete a pass to Malik Turner — who was being covered by cornerback Jalen Ramsey — on fourth-and-one from the Rams’ 24-yard line. The first half ended with Fowler sacking Wilson for a loss of five yards.

Seattle safety Quandre Diggs intercepted quarterback Jared Goff on each of the Rams’ first two second-half possessions, returning the first 55 yards for a touchdown to pull the Seahawks to within 21-9 with 12 minutes, 54 seconds left in the third quarter.

But the Rams defense kept its thumb down on Wilson the rest of the way, forcing a three-and-out after Diggs’ second interception and sacking Wilson for a loss of 11 yards — by Donald — late in the third quarter.

Ebukam sacked Wilson for a loss of 12 yards midway through the fourth quarter, and Fowler and Donald combined for a high-low hit on Wilson for an eight-yard sack on Seattle’s last possession, which ended with Troy Hill’s interception in the end zone.

“I think the defense really turned the tide in the third quarter,” linebacker Clay Matthews said. “Look at how it started. Seattle got a pick-six coming out of the tunnel when we’re trying to put our foot on their throat, and it’s the Seahawks, where they get a little momentum, and you go, ‘Here we go again.’ But for us to rally and hold them to three points the rest of the game … we did a great job.”

Wilson had only one play in which he scrambled before completing a long pass, hitting D.K. Metcalf down the left sideline for a 35-yard gain on a third-and-22 midway through the fourth quarter.

“He presents a unique challenge because he can avoid the rush, let lanes in the pocket develop and scramble through them and find his receivers downfield,” Matthews said.

“I thought for the most part we did a great job of not getting too sloppy with our rush lanes, collapsing the pocket and keeping him in there, keeping him uncomfortable.”

The Rams get their fill of Wilson, playing the NFC West rival Seahawks twice a season, and they’ve had their fill of mobile quarterbacks in recent weeks.

Dual-threat Baltimore Ravens quarterback Lamar Jackson had his way with the Rams in a 45-6 win on “Monday Night Football” two weeks ago. The Rams dominated Arizona rookie Kyler Murray in a 34-7 win last week.

“We’ve been playing scrambling quarterbacks for the last few weeks, so every one of them was like a preparation for this one,” Ebukam said. “But Wilson is a little special in the way he scrambles. All of them are different, but he has more experience, more savvy.

“We didn’t spy him a lot. We just had to stay disciplined and cover our gaps. Don’t over-pursue. Be patient. Do your job, trust others are going to do their jobs, and don’t always try to force a play, because that’s when he hurts you. He finds a gap and exposes that.”

The Rams didn’t dramatically alter their defensive scheme against Wilson, but there was one notable difference in their defense: Ramsey, the shut-down corner acquired from Jacksonville on Oct. 15. Ramsey, who mostly covered Metcalf, was still a member of the Jaguars when these teams last met.

“You look at the change in our defense since he joined our team — it’s allowed us to play different defenses that play to his favor, especially man-to-man, which allows a four-man rush,” Matthews said.

“When you know you have an elite cornerback there who can lock down their best receiver, it allows the rush to get home and when we do get there, to get the quarterback off the spot and not allow him to have time to throw it downfield. It’s kind of a yin and yang type thing, and it’s worked out really well.”

Yo, Chargers.

Little help?

The Rams are rolling now, in the wake of their 28-12 victory over Seattle on Sunday night, and they could use an assist from their future stadium mates. The Chargers play host to Minnesota on Sunday and the Rams are a game behind the Vikings in the scramble for a wild-card spot.

“It’s kind of ironic,” Rams safety Marqui Christian said with a smile. “I’m a fan of the Chargers, man, especially this week. I’m not a hater. L.A. for L.A.”

Of course, the Rams understand the only thing they can control is taking care of their business down the stretch, when they finish with games at Dallas and San Francisco, and a finale at home against Arizona.

At long last, they look like the team Sean McVay coached in his first two seasons. Misdirection plays, jet sweeps, wide-open receivers and a heavy dose of running back Todd Gurley. Beneath the Coliseum lights, and with a national audience watching, it was McVintage McVay.

Coming off a 45-6 humiliation at home against Baltimore on “Monday Night Football” two weeks ago, the Rams pounded NFC West foes Arizona and Seattle by a combined score of 62-19.

“I think this is a different team, a different mentality,” left tackle Andrew Whitworth said. “I think we’re shooting our shot the next three weeks.”

There are reasons for optimism, particularly with Dallas on deck. Even though they’re still in first place in the inept NFC East, the Cowboys have lost four of five games. They’re a ho-hum 3-3 at home and 2-7 outside of their division.

The lurking monster is San Francisco, a team that embarrassed the Rams in L.A. two months ago with a 20-7 victory that wasn’t as close as the score suggests. The Rams couldn’t budge against the 49ers and were 0 of 9 on third downs.

Now, the 49ers are the best team in the NFC, and are fresh off a thrilling 48-46 win at New Orleans. The Rams can’t afford to think about life beyond the Dallas game, but San Francisco is scary.

Regardless, Sunday night was a time for celebration for the Rams, who assembled their most complete game this season. They kept quarterback Jared Goff upright, denying the Seahawks a sack even with two rookies starting on the right side of the offensive line and a lightly experienced left guard in Austin Corbett.

Whitworth had an excellent game in what, opponents-wise, is his toughest stretch this season.

“I had one hell of a gantlet to start December, and it isn’t any fun,” he said, listing the pass rushers he has or will face. “Chandler [Jones] twice, [Jadeveon] Clowney, Nick Bosa and Robert Quinn.”

Then, with tongue firmly planted in cheek: “It’s a Christmas gift for a left tackle.”

So far, so good. Goff has been sacked once in two weeks. It helps, of course, that Gurley has gotten back on track and bears some resemblance to the player who was in the thick of the most-valuable-player conversation in each of McVay’s first two seasons.

Gurley had 113 yards from scrimmage, including a seven-yard touchdown run in the fourth quarter when he took out cornerback Tre Flowers with a devastating stiff-arm. It was a highlight-reel play: My cause, you’re decleated.

Robert Woods and Cooper Kupp each caught touchdown passes, and tight end Tyler Higbee was a huge contributor with seven catches for 116 yards.

The Rams were having fun again, and that’s an unfamiliar feeling this season. Even their cheerleaders were a little out of step. At one point, they had gathered in one end zone when the Rams offense was about to snap the ball on the other side of the 50, and the referee had to shoo them out, drawing laughs from the crowd by announcing: “Need the cheerleaders off the field.”

The offensive flow was a welcome change, but the defense has been showing up week after week. A big change came in mid-October, when the Rams traded for cornerback Jalen Ramsey.

In the games since that move, the L.A. defense has been consistently stingy. It surrendered one touchdown or fewer to Atlanta, Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, Chicago and Arizona. And Sunday night, against the NFL’s only team that was undefeated on the road, the Rams’ defense gave up only two field goals.

The lone exception, and it was an embarrassing one, was the lopsided loss to Baltimore. The Rams were torched by leading MVP candidate Lamar Jackson and the rest of the Ravens.

And rest assured, that was fresh in the minds of the Rams on Sunday night.

“Last time we were here, a team kind of ran the ball on us, so we had a little chip on our shoulders to stop the run today,” said linebacker Samson Ebukam, referring to the Ravens trampling them for 285 yards. “That’s not us. Everybody knew that that’s not us.”

If these are the true Rams, better late than never.

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