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Among the many entries in the résumé of Boris Johnson, the mop-topped Conservative politician who is almost certain to become Britain’s next Prime Minister, is one of Churchill biographer. Back in 2014, when he was still the mayor of London, Johnson published a book titled “The Churchill Factor: How One Man Made History.”

To be sure, Johnson’s four-hundred page œuvre didn’t meet with universal acclaim. “The book reads as if it was dictated, not written,” Richard Evans, the Regius Professor of History at Cambridge, wrote in the New Statesman. “All the way through we hear Boris’s voice; it’s like being cornered in the Drones Club and harangued for hours by Bertie Wooster.” But, what Johnson’s book lacked in literary and historical merit, it made up for in self-revelation. With his studied upper-class mannerisms, his bluster, and his regular evocations of Britain’s imperial past, Johnson would clearly like his countrymen to view him as a latter-day version of his historical hero—an indomitable lion standing strong for Blighty. As Evans suggested, his Churchill book was really a lengthy advertisement for himself.

In the past few days, however, Johnson has shown himself to be nothing like a lion. In his woeful failure to stand up for Kim Darroch, the now former British Ambassador to Washington, after a series of characteristically vituperative attacks by Donald Trump, he has looked more like a puppy licking at the feet of his demanding and abusive master. To be sure, previous Prime Ministers—Theresa May included—have adopted deferential language to protect Britain’s relationship with Washington. But none have appeared as obsequious as Johnson, and he hasn’t even got to Downing Street yet.

In a television debate on Tuesday night, Johnson and the Foreign Secretary, Jeremy Hunt, who is his sole remaining rival in the race to succeed Theresa May as Prime Minister and the leader of the Conservative Party, were asked if they would keep on Darroch, who appears to have been the victim of a politically orchestrated leak, once they entered Downing Street. (On Sunday, the Mail, a British newspaper, published extracts from secret diplomatic cables, in which Darroch, reporting to London, described Trump as “insecure” and expressed doubts about whether his Administration would ever move beyond dysfunction.)

Hunt was unequivocal. He described Trump’s comments, in which the American President described Darroch as “wacky” and “a pompous fool,” as ill-judged and said he would keep on Darroch until his diplomatic posting expired at the end of this year. Addressing another of Trump’s broadsides, in which he severely criticized May’s handling of Brexit, Hunt said that the President’s comments were “unacceptable and I don’t think he should have made them.”

Johnson, by contrast, made excuses for Trump, with whom he is on friendly terms, claiming he had been “dragged into a British political debate.” By way of criticism, the most he would say was that Trump’s outburst on Twitter had “not necessarily been the right thing to do.” Asked whether he would keep on Darroch, he didn’t answer the question directly, but he noted that it was “of fantastic importance” for the United Kingdom to have “a close partnership with the U.S.”

Since Trump had expressly stated that his Administration would no longer deal with Darroch, a veteran public servant who had hosted a number of parties attended by members of the President’s family and Administration, these statements seem tantamount to Johnson pledging that he would recall the Ambassador. Evidently, that was Darroch’s interpretation. On Wednesday morning, Washington time, he resigned. An unnamed friend confirmed to the Financial Times that Johnson’s refusal to support him “was a factor” in his decision.

At this stage, many of Johnson’s colleagues in the Conservative Party have grown used to his cavilling and opportunism. But some of them aren’t quite inured to it. “Boris Johnson, a former foreign secretary, and he hopes to be the future prime minister, has basically thrown our top diplomat under the bus,” Alan Duncan, a Foreign Office minister, told the BBC, adding that Johnson’s failure to defend Darroch during the televised debate was “contemptible negligence on his part.” Sir Patrick McLoughlin, another Conservative M.P., said, “It is unedifying to see someone who wants to be Prime Minister failing to stand up for hard-working civil servants, who have done nothing wrong, under attack from foreign governments. Leadership involves standing up for your team.”

It is probably too late to hope that Johnson’s abject behavior will sink his leadership bid. The election is confined to about a hundred and sixty thousand Conservative Party members, many of whom are rather elderly, rabidly pro-Brexit, and fervently pro-Boris. A lot of them have filled in their ballots already. The deed is virtually done.

Shortly after Darroch resigned, on Wednesday, Johnson shed some crocodile tears on his behalf. “I regret that really, because I think he was a superb, is a superb, diplomat, and I worked with him for many years,” he told reporters. “It is not right that civil servants’ careers and prospects should be dragged into the political agenda, and I think we should be protecting brilliant civil servants from that kind of publicity.” Except, of course, if that involves criticizing a boorish and self-centered American President who has dragged their names through the mud.

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10th Jul 2019

The world premiere of The Lion King remake was held in LA on Tuesday, and saw Beyoncé take to the red carpet for the first time in almost three years, taking seven-year-old daughter, Blue Ivy Carter, as the cutest date ever.

The 37-year-old singer, who plays the voice of adult Nala in the Disney remake, stunned the crowd in a bespoke Alexander McQueen crystal embroidered tuxedo-dress with a dégradé crystal embroidered skirt, dramatic jewels and crystal pin heel sandals. Blue followed her mum’s lead, dressed in a black pantsuit encrusted with diamonds, which complemented her mother’s outfit perfectly and made for a twinning moment.

Although just seven, Blue Ivy has been in the spotlight before. Unsurprisingly, she is a natural performer just like her parents, evident when she sung her little heart out on Beyoncé’s Coachella album, Homecoming: The Live Album, which turned into a Netflix film. The future superstar covered the song Lift Every Voice and Sing, often referred to as the ‘black national anthem’, when she was only six. And who could forget her first red carpet appearance alongside Bey back in 2016 at the VMAs? 

Also at the Lion King, in support of the glittering mother-daughter duo, was Destiny’s Child besties Kelly Rowland (who also brought along her five-year-old son, Titan) and Michelle Williams, as well as singing protégées Chloe and Halle Bailey. Along with Bey’s co-stars Alfre Woodard, Seth Rogan, Billy Eichner, Donald Glover, Chiwetel Ejiofor and director Jon Favreau. 

It’s been almost three years since Beyoncé graced us with her beauty and fierceness on a red carpet, with the last time being at the very same MTV VMAs back in August of 2016. Since then, she has managed to sneak into events without walking the red carpet first. We may also get to see Bey again this weekend, when the cast attend the London Lion King premiere, which is tipped to be attended by Prince Harry and Meghan Markle too.

Not only will Bey feature as a character in the film, but she is set to release her newest single, Spirit, which is featured on the Lion King soundtrack. Lion King’s official Instagram account has been exciting fans across the globe with a sunning portrait of Beyoncé and her character, Nala, to promote the new music.

With these very cute mother-daughter pics, we can only hope Blue Ivy will be walking the red carpet this weekend too!

Inside Marrakech’s buzzing creative scene

July 10, 2019 | News | No Comments

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10th Jul 2019

Marrakech has been tantalising stylish individuals from around the world ever since Yves Saint Laurent paid his first visit in 1966 and decided to make it his second home. Later in life, he famously said: “In Morocco, I realised that the range of colours I use was that of the zelliges, zouacs, djellabas and caftans. The boldness seen since then in my work, I owe to this country, to its forceful harmonies, to its audacious combinations, to the fervour of its creativity.”

Over the years, countless artists have been seduced by the kingdom’s fourth largest and most magical city, from perfumer Serge Lutens, who arrived in 1968, to Madonna, who celebrated her 60th birthday here last year. Now, though, a new wave of talents and initiatives are taking Marrakech up a peg as a cultural destination. In the past three years alone, the Musée Yves Saint Laurent Marrakech, Comptoir des Mines Galerie and Musée d’Art Contemporain Africain Al Maaden (MACAAL) have all established themselves, and 1-54 Contemporary African Art Fair has expanded its editions from London and New York to the ochre city. “A historical and contemporary confluence of people from across Africa and Europe, Marrakech has a stirring energy that inspires creativity in all art forms,” says Touria El Glaoui, the founding director of 1-54. “Marrakech has always had a strong and active community of artists and the landscape is now full of spaces that are dedicated to them.” 

With the Dior Cruise 2020 show having descended on Marrakech in May, further cementing the city’s growing creative confidence, and as it looks forward to becoming the first African Capital of Culture next year, we meet some of the local innovators making sure their home is favoured for more than just hammams, mint tea and Majorelle Blue.

The godfather – Hassan Hajjaj

Hassan Hajjaj is one of Morocco’s most recognised contemporary artists and a mentor to many who have followed in his joyful and celebratory footsteps. Using the language of fashion photography and Pop Art to challenge the West’s stereotypes about North African Arabic society, his fun-loving portraits feature people from all walks of life (snake charmers share equal billing with Hollywood stars) wearing colourful costumes and framed by kitsch paraphernalia. “I’ve been shooting for over 20 years and lucky enough to capture friends from around the world,” says Hajjaj. “They’re not just pretty pictures of people dressed up, each series has a story to tell. The message is that we’re all together, not separate.”

His series depicts henna girls in counterfeit logoed veils astride zippy motorbikes. Meanwhile, , featuring musicians as varied as rapper Afrikan Boy and Gnawa master Simo Lagnawi, was last seen as an installation at his 2017 Somerset House solo show and this October becomes a live performance at The Ford Theatres in Los Angeles.

Hajjaj’s family relocated from Larache to London when he was young and in the 1980s, he became a club promoter and stylist before teaching himself photography. He now divides his time between his Shoreditch studio and Riad Yima, his gallery/café/store in the medina. His practice also includes textiles, furniture, graphic design and sculpture, which all combine in his installations. “Salons in Morocco are where people come to sit, eat and recline. At first I’d do it for parties, then galleries and then museums, which is incredible. I call it my flying carpet,” he says, referring to the fact that has travelled far and wide. Currently you can find it at Hajjaj’s show The Path at Nottingham’s New Arts Exchange and at MACAAL. Also in Marrakech is Mi Casa Su Casa at Comptoir des Mines Galerie, his two-year curation of emerging Moroccan photographers that comes to an end this July. Then in September a major retrospective of his work opens at Maison Européenne de la Photographie in Paris. All aboard for a very magical ride.

The rule breaker – Amine Bendriouich

“We are building a new narrative around what it means to be Moroccan, to be African, and how to experience this city. It allows us to exchange on a deeper level with people and have an influence on the community,” says Amine Bendriouich of his concept store in the heart of the medina. Shtatto opened last year and now has a second location selling his own avant-garde, unisex clothing alongside other labels he admires, plus one-off commissions by artists such as Yassine Balbzioui and Zineb Andress Arraki.

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Bendriouich was raised in Marrakech and launched his label Amine Bendriouich Couture & Bullshit (ABCB) in 2008. A year later he won the Goethe-Institut CreateEurope award to work in Berlin. Since then he’s shown everywhere from Dubai and Lagos to Marseille and Moscow, collaborated with Hajjaj, Kehinde Wiley and Massive Attack, and consulted for Adidas. Now back in Marrakech, he’s experimenting with site-specific installations and working closely with artisans to create his signature fluid pieces, such as sarouel-style trousers and boubou-esque gowns. His dream is to open an arts school and residency in his family’s kasbah just outside the city. “I want to keep growing organically and to explore different mediums by continuing to bring creative people together.”

Artwork by Laurence Leenaert. Image credit: Supplied

The free spirit – Laurence Leenaert

Ghent native Laurence Leenaert visited Morocco on holiday in 2015 and only returned home to pack up her belongings. “I love the vibe here. You wake up with the sun and to views of palm trees, plus the people are so open. It’s addictive,” says the designer whose successful lifestyle brand LRNCE is steeped in the city’s craftsmanship. She started off with leather sandals and bags, then developed painted ceramics, canvas kimonos and embroidered textiles recognisable by their abstract decoration. More recently she’s gone into bamboo and marble furniture, including summer beds and deckchairs.

“First I find the material, then I draw, and then I go to my artisans and ask their opinion. It’s about having respect for their expertise and them for mine,” she reflects. “My designs are very personal and spontaneous. I want to make unique pieces that are happy and colourful, and I need to be free to create in the moment.” Leenaert attracts customers from everywhere to her studio and will soon open a riad in the medina. Her advice to those who wish to emulate her gentle process? “Don’t plan too much. Let life come to you. Breathe. It’s really cool that so many interesting people are coming here now, but you need to relax and take time to get to know everyone you want to work with.”

The carpet king – Soufiane Zarib

Soufiane Zarib learned the carpet trade from his father and since the age of 18 has dedicated himself to revolutionising the family business. Twenty years down the line and with four discrete retail destinations, he has a superior reputation for offering the finest traditional Berber carpets alongside his own contemporary, award-winning designs. “I take inspiration from the old carpets, and then develop modern collections using vegetable-dyed wool and classic weaving methods,” Zarib says. “But the real artists are the Berber women we collaborate with in the Atlas Mountains. They have freedom over their needles to make true masterpieces using strong symbols, charming colours and working with sincere love.”

Alongside his brothers Said and Ismail, Soufiane is sought after by clients, dealers and fairs across Europe, and his customers have included Bethann Hardison and Iman. Discerning shoppers are drawn to his luxurious rugs, which range from figurative and geometric designs to rich colourscapes seeped in the deep indigo, earthy reds and dusky pinks of Marrakech.

Artwork by Janine Gaëlle Dieudji. Image credit: Supplied

The art activist – Janine Gaëlle Dieudji

As exhibitions director at MACAAL, Janine Gaëlle Dieudji’s focus is masterminding inclusive exhibitions, programming and special commissions that resonate as much with art professionals as they do with the city’s migrant groups, young children and taxi drivers. “Our aim is to be a local museum with a global vision,” she says. “We want to touch our community while offering international standards. Cultural mediation is 70 per cent of what we do, through workshops, school visits and social events. If we don’t have an audience that can break through the intellectual barriers around a space like this, what’s the point?”

Dieudji was born in Cameroon, studied in France and set out in the art world in Italy before joining MACAAL in 2017 during its soft opening phase. The new, not-for-profit museum is owned by the Lazraq family and forms part of its charitable association, Fondation Alliances. The stunning sandstone building houses its private collection of African art among its lively displays. Currently on view is Material Insanity, curated by Dieudji and MACAAL’s artistic director Meriem Berrada. “We have challenged artists to reflect on social, economic and political issues by using everyday objects that we all relate to,” Dieudji explains of works in the show, including those by Moroccan artists M’barek Bouhchichi, Adil Kourkouni and Amina Agueznay. “Marrakech is becoming a vibrant hub for art and it’s our mission to make sure this beautiful city can amaze you with its culture.”

The ancestral whisperer – Bouchra Boudoua 

When Dior’s 400 guests sat down for dinner at Bahia Palace on the eve of the Cruise 2020 show, they ate from elegant terracotta bowls (many with “Christian Dior” hand-painted across them) produced by Bouchra Boudoua. “It was a big challenge for my artisans to make so many pieces in such a short time, but I’m happy that Moroccan craft was integrated into the theme in this way,” says the young designer, who was commissioned via her Instagram account.

She was born in Casablanca, studied at Central Saint Martins and established her eponymous brand in Marrakech in 2016 as a way to explore her dual passion for patterns and preserving the art of Moroccan ceramics. “My grandparents were Berber so on a personal level, pottery is a way to connect to my roots,” she says. “In Morocco pottery is a man’s job and usually they paint very symmetrical, Arabic designs. I am interested in bringing modern principles to this ancient language and using simple, freehand brushstrokes.” She’s also made a limited-edition collection for MACAAL and exhibited in New York, Paris and Abu Dhabi. “There is so much creative energy coming out of Marrakech and there are many of us working hard to show a different side of Morocco.”

Artwork by Noria Chaal. Image credit: Supplied

The storyteller – Noria Chaal

Noria Chall grew up in France and worked as a filmmaker in Berlin for five years before the lure of Marrakech called her home a year ago. “I came to make a film on immigrant identity and realised there was so much human connection here. It just felt like the right place to be,” Chaal says. “It’s important for me to use my creativity to have an impact on this society.” She’s creating music videos and short films with underground musicians, such as the jazz singer J.Lamotta and trap duo Kamyn, and works closely with the annual Atlas Electronic Festival in Marrakech, both as a DJ and to document traditional artists such as the Sufi musicians of Joujouka whose spiritual sounds are dying out.

Chaal is especially focused on women artists and has been a vocal supporter of the #Masaktach (I will not be silent) movement, Morocco’s answer to #MeToo, which started last year as a response to a teenager called Khadija being abducted and raped by men in her village. “As a woman you can be handicapped in this country. Masaktach organises peaceful demonstrations and activities on social media. So many different people have come together to walk this difficult corridor with them and I am keen to film these collective actions.”

The artful host – Philomena Schurer Merckoll 

Philomena Schurer Merckoll’s peripatetic lifestyle has taken her from London to Paris (where she runs the creative agency Le 31), Berlin, Dublin and New York, where she worked in the art world. But on her first visit to Marrakech 14 years ago, she was hooked. “For me, there’s a frisson in the air. It’s an inspiration for all of your senses, there is artisanship everywhere,” says the consultant and hotelier. “Even now it still offers a sense of fun that’s hard to find anywhere else.” She went on to buy a riad and undertake its sensitive renovation alongside local designer Romain Michel-Ménière. “Each of these beautiful old buildings have their own language so it was about respecting its original soul and just paring things back,” she says. 

Riad Mena opened in 2014 and quickly became popular with visiting creatives drawn to its serene mix of minimalist mid-century furniture, contemporary art and Moroccan textiles, all nestling among verdant greenery. “We sourced most things in Marrakech. The only things we did bring in were a lot of books. The ultimate luxury is a good library!” The secluded oasis’s other amenities include a swimming pool, a hammam and food grown at the riad’s permaculture farm. Schurer Merckoll now lends her talents to other interiors projects and will open a crafts boutique in September. 

Is this Kendall Jenner’s new boyfriend?

July 10, 2019 | News | No Comments

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10th Jul 2019

Kendall Jenner split from boyfriend of one year and NBA player, Ben Simmons, at the end of May, but speculation is circling that Jenner is now dating another NBA player. The Daily Mail released photographs of the 23-year-old model hanging out on a yacht with LA Lakers forward, Kyle Kuzma, before attending the Red, White & Bootsy bash in Malibu for a July 4th celebration.

Fuel was added to the fire when Jenner revealed last Thursday on her Zaza World Radio show, “I just feel like you should be in love on the fourth of July,” adding that “Fourth of July is arguably (in) my top two favorite holidays. That and Christmas. And Halloween, so top three. Fourth of July is up there for me. I don’t know why I love it so much. It’s the fireworks and the vibe.” Could this be signs of a high-on-love Kendall? We hope so.

Kuzma grew up in Michigan and played basketball for the University of Utah before being selected to play for Brooklyn Nets in 2017. Since then he has moved to the LA Lakers and, if the rumours are true, adds to the plethora of NBA players who have fell for a Jenner-Kardashian sister. First was Kris Humphries and his famous 72-day marriage to Kim, Lamar Odom married Khloé just once month into dating and Tristan Thompson fathered Khloé’s daughter True, Blake Griffin had an under the radar relationship with Kendall Jenner, then came Ben Simmons and now Kuzma may be added to the list.

Kyle Kuzma attends the 2015 Jordan Cabernet Release Day Party, 2019. Image credit: Getty Images

 

And as much as we would love to believe the rumours to be true, don’t get your hopes up for this super-cute pairing just yet. A source told Entertainment Tonight that the photos Jenner and Kuzma were “nothing”, with another adding they were “hanging out over the holiday as friends. They’ve run in the same circle for a while and there’s no romantic relationship between them. Kendall is enjoying being single after ending things with Ben.”

Despite these sources, it isn’t far-fetched to believe the two could be actually dating, as the famously private Jenner often chooses to keep her relationships off camera and away from her family’s successful reality TV show, Keeping Up With The Kardashians. In a recent interview with Vogue Australia, Jenner admitted “bringing things into the public makes everything so much messier,” adding “I’m very young and right now I feel like relationships aren’t always super-certain and I don’t want to bring too much attention to something if you don’t really know long term [what it’s going to be]. A relationship is only meant to be between two people, and the second you make it the world’s business is when it starts messing with the two people mentally.”

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So although it seems like it might be a while until we hear from Jenner herself if the dating rumour is genuine, we’re going to sit back and hope it is, because how cute would this pairing be?!

Salt-crusted beetroot from the garden with caviar cream; a dish from the world’s number one restaurant, Mirazur.

The late great Anthony Bourdain once said, “Your body is not a temple, it’s an amusement park. Enjoy the ride.” By this logic, the official list of the World’s 50 Best Restaurants is a showcase of the most exhilarating rollercoasters and relaxing ferris wheels for the taste buds. A joyful and sophisticated journey through one of the most fundamental things that brings us great pleasure – food.

The official list of The World’s 50 Best Restaurants is compiled by William Reed Business Media. The awards canvas over 1,000 of the world’s foremost culinary experts – including chefs, restaurateurs and food writers – to determine who gets a place. The list for 2019 was recently announced and while Europeans dominated with 23 restaurants out of the 50, special mentions must go to Gaggan in Bangkok at number four and the city of Lima in Peru, which had two restaurants in the top 10. After Melbourne’s Attica came in at number 20 last year it does sting that no Australians made the cut, but we live in hope for 2020.

The number one spot went to Mirazur in France, owned and operated by Argentinian chef Mauro Colagreco (who is as easy on the eye as his restaurant’s views of the French Riviera). Mirazur has three Michelin stars, an abundant kitchen garden and a chook pen presided over by a prize hen named Tina Turner. Adorable.

The full count down from 50 to one appears below. Adjust your upcoming travel itineraries accordingly.

50. Schloss Schauenstein, Fürstenau, Switzerland
Click Here: online rugby store malaysiaImage credit: Instagram.com/gaultmillau_schweiz

49. Leo, Bogotá, Colombia
Image credit: Supplied

48. Ultraviolet by Paul Pairet, Shanghai, China
Image credit: Supplied

47. Benu, San Francisco, USA
Image credit: Instagram.com/clee_benu

46. De Librije, Zwolle, The Netherlands
Image credit: Supplied

45. Sühring, Bangkok, Thailand
Image credit: Supplied

44. The Test Kitchen, Cape Town, South Africa
Image credit: Supplied

43. Hof Van Cleve, Kruisem, Belgium
Image credit: Instagram.com/lauracentrella_food

42. Belcanto, Lisbon, Portugal
Image credit: Supplied

41. The Chairman, Hong Kong, China
Image credit: Instagram.com/andychingho

40. Restaurant Tim Raue, Berlin, Germany
Image credit: Supplied

39. A Casa do Porco, São Paulo, Brazil
Image credit: Instagram.com/acasadoporcobar

38. Hiša Franko, Kobarid, Slovenia
Image credit: Supplied

37. Alinea, Chicago, USA
Image credit: Instagram.com/thealineagroup

36. Le Bernardin, New York, USA
Image credit: Supplied

35. Atelier Crenn, San Francisco, USA
Image credit: Instagram.com/atelier.crenn

34. Don Julio, Buenos Aires, Argentina
Image credit: Instagram.com/donjulioparrilla

33. Lyle’s, London, UK
Image credit: Instagram.com/lyleslondon

32. Nerua, Bilbao, Spain
Image credit: Supplied

31. Le Calandre, Rubano, Italy
Image credit: Supplied

30. Elkano, Getaria, Spain
Image credit: Supplied

29. Piazza Duomo, Alba, Italy
Image credit: Instagram.com/piazzaduomoalba

28. Blue Hill at Stone Barns, Pocantico Hills, USA
Image credit: Instagram.com/andyheart

27. The Clove Club, London, UK
Image credit: Supplied

26. Boragó, Santiago, Chile
Image credit: Instagram.com/rgborago

25. Alléno Paris au Pavillon Ledoyen, Paris, France
Image credit: Supplied

24. Quintonil, Mexico City, Mexico
Image credit: Instagram.com/rest_quintonil

23. Cosme, New York, USA
Image credit: Supplied

22. Narisawa, Tokyo, Japan
Image credit: Supplied

21. Frantzén, Stockholm, Sweden
Image credit: Instagram.com/restaurantfrantzen

20. Tickets, Barcelona, Spain
Image credit: Instagram.com/ticketsbar

19. Twins Garden, Moscow, Russia
Image credit: Instagram.com/twinsgardenmoscow

18. Odette, Singapore
Image credit: Supplied

17. Steirereck, Vienna, Austria
Image credit: Instagram.com/steirereck

16. Alain Ducasse au Plaza Athénée, Paris, France
Image credit: Supplied

15. Septime, Paris, France
Image credit: Instagram.com/septimeparis

14. Azurmendi, Larrabetzu, Spain
Image credit: Instagram.com/clarapvillalon

13. White Rabbit, Moscow, Russia
Image credit: Supplied

12. Pujol, Mexico City, Mexico
Image credit: Supplied

11. Den, Tokyo, Japan
Image credit: Supplied

10. Maido, Lima, Peru
Image credit: Instagram.com/cc_75

9. Disfrutar, Barcelona, Spain
Image credit: Supplied

8. Arpège, Paris, France
Image credit: Supplied

7. Mugaritz, San Sebastián, Spain
Image credit: Supplied

6. Central, Lima, Peru
Image credit: Instagram.com/copenhagen_foodie

5. Geranium, Copenhagen, Denmark
Image credit: Supplied

4. Gaggan, Bangkok, Thailand
Image credit: Instagram.com/gaggan_anand

3. Asador Etxebarri, Axpe, Spain
Image credit: Instagram.com/puertoricoeats

2. Noma, Copenhagen, Denmark
Image credit: Instagram.com/nomacph

1. Mirazur, Menton, France
Image credit: Instagram.com/restaurantmirazur

Image credit: Instagram.com/danieljkiser

As one of the most well-known architects in the world, Frank Lloyd Wright’s legacy on the architectural landscape is massive. From the modernist marvel Fallingwater in Pennsylvania to the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum in New York and even this Blade Runner house, the esteemed American architect, interior designer and painter has made his mark all over the United States (36 states, to be exact). So it’s with much celebration that the late architect’s foundation has finally secured inscription of eight of his best-loved works on the UNESCO World Heritage List in the United States.

It’s the culmination of some 15 years of work from the Frank Lloyd Wright Foundation and the eight works include the aforementioned Fallingwater and Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum. The eight sites span 50 years of the architect’s considerable oeuvre and the naming marks the first modern architecture designation in the United States on the UNESCO World Heritage List, which currently numbers 1,092 sites globally.

Image credit: Instagram.com/guggenheim

“It is an immense honour to have Frank Lloyd Wright’s work recognised on the world stage among the most vital and important cultural sites on Earth like Taj Mahal in India, the Pyramids of Giza in Egypt and the Statue of Liberty in New York,” says Stuart Graff, president and CEO of the Frank Lloyd Wright Foundation, in a statement. “To have this unique American legacy placed alongside these precious few sites around the globe is meaningful because it recognises the profound influence of this American architect and his impact on the whole world. This designation is a great source of national pride, and while eight buildings are included in the inscription, it recognises the importance of Wright’s work, embodied in every one of his buildings and designs. These sites are not simply World Heritage monuments because they are beautiful. It’s so much more than that. These are places of profound influence, inspiration, and connection.”

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A pioneer of the Prairie School of architecture, Wright founded a style famous for its consideration of nature, landscape and craftsmanship and its link to the American Midwest. Below, take a look at the eight sites that have been selected.

All other images from the Frank Lloyd Wright Foundation website.

Unity Temple, Oak Park, Illinois
Photo by Tom Rossiter courtesy of Harboe Architects.

Frederick C. Robie House, Chicago, Illinois
Photo by Nick Abele courtesy of Frank Lloyd Wright Trust.

Taliesin, Spring Green, Wisconsin
Photo by Andrew Pielage.

Hollyhock House, Los Angeles, California
Photo by Joshua White.

Fallingwater, Mill Run, Pennsylvania
Photo courtesy of the Western Pennsylvania Conservancy.

Herbert and Katherine Jacobs House, Madison, Wisconsin
Photo by David Heald courtesy of James Dennis.

Taliesin West, Scottsdale, Arizona
Photo by Jill Richards.

Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, New York.
Photo courtesy of Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation.

President Donald Trump is done with the man he calls “the wacky Ambassador” from the United Kingdom—he is over, had it, finito, “will no longer deal with him,” as he put it in a tweet on Monday. “I do not know the Ambassador,” Trump added, but he did know that he was “not liked” in the United States. (On Tuesday morning, the President called him “a very stupid guy.”) The diplomat, Sir Kim Darroch, had, in fact, met the President a number of times, as he recounted in a series of leaked cables, spanning two years, portions of which were published by the British tabloid the Mail on Sunday, and “always found him to be absolutely charming.” Darroch observed, though, that Trump “radiates insecurity” and “had no filter,” that his White House was “a uniquely dysfunctional environment,” and that its Iran policy was “incoherent and chaotic.” Darroch wrote, “I don’t think this Administration will ever look competent.”

Fair enough. A spokesman for Prime Minister Theresa May, who was also an object of the President’s Twitter rage in the face of the leak of the cables—“What a mess she and her representatives have created”—said that, although the government regretted the leak, it relied on diplomats to provide “an honest and unvarnished view.” Here, May seemed to be neglecting a piece of advice that Darroch had sent along: “You need to start praising him for something that he’s done recently. . . . You need whenever possible to present them as wins for him.” But then May, as Trump gloatingly noted in his tweets, is due to leave her office by the end of the month—part of the wreckage caused by the British political establishment’s unending struggle with Brexit—and Darroch himself is near the end of his tenure. The most likely candidate to succeed her as Tory leader and, by extension, Prime Minister, is the reckless former Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson, whose relationship with the truth is somewhat similar to the President’s. On Tuesday, Johnson, who has been intermittently critical of Trump over the years but also bragged about their closeness, said in answer to a question about the Darroch affair, “I’ve a good relationship with the White House and no embarrassment in saying that.”

The other remaining candidate for the job, the current Foreign Secretary, Jeremy Hunt, who is Darroch’s boss, said that, although it was, indeed, important for diplomats to be “frank,” to his mind, Darroch had got it wrong: “I think the U.S. Administration is highly effective.” (On Tuesday, though, after Trump’s second round of invective, Hunt tweeted that the President had been “disrespectful and wrong to our Prime Minister and my country.”) Meanwhile, Liam Fox, the U.K.’s Trade Secretary, told the BBC that, as luck would have it, he had a meeting with Ivanka Trump on his calendar, and he would take that opportunity to apologize to her personally. (Darroch was supposed to be at that meeting, too; he no longer plans to attend.) Nigel Farage, the tiresome head of the new Brexit Party, said that Darroch should be fired at once.

In part, this is a story about British politics. One of the premises that the Brexiteers operate from is that breaking with the E.U. will allow them to negotiate the independent trade deal of their dreams with the United States, which will, in turn, help them to tell the E.U. who’s boss, and for that they want Trump. The cables are said to have been circulated to only a limited number of people in the May government, and it has not yet been determined who leaked them, but there is widespread speculation that their release has something to do with internecine Tory-Brexiteer politics. Trump, for his part, portrayed Darroch’s observations as sour Brexit grapes. “He should speak to his country, and Prime Minister May, about their failed Brexit negotiation, and not be upset with my criticism” of its handling, he said, in a screed that stretched over three tweets. “I told @theresa_may how to do that deal, but she went her own foolish way-was unable to get it done. A disaster!” That analysis is no more realistic or self-aware than the formula that Trump has publicly offered for resolving the complexities of Brexit: “I would have sued.” The British have had any number of irrational responses to Brexit. But Darroch’s conclusion about Trump’s Presidency—“We don’t really believe this Administration is going to become substantially more normal; less dysfunctional; less unpredictable; less faction riven; less diplomatically clumsy and inept”—is not in that category.

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But the mortification here is not only for the Tories, or for Trump. Darroch’s cables should, rightly, also be an embarrassment to the Republican Party, and to all those who work with Trump. In the summer of 2017, Darroch wrote, “We could also be at the beginning of a downward spiral, rather than just a rollercoaster; something could emerge that leads to disgrace and downfall.” By last month, though, in assessing Trump’s reëlection chances, he was writing that there has been a key change since the 2016 campaign: the institutional Republican Party was now “four-square behind him.”

The people around the President, whom Darroch described as his “gatekeepers,” were, to the Ambassador’s eye, also susceptible to flattery and glitz. They loved being part of Trump’s state visit to the U.K., in June, he wrote, “telling us that this had been a visit like no other – the hottest ticket of their careers.” In their “dazzled” state, Darroch wrote, they would open doors for the U.K.

Darroch attended the rally in Orlando, in June, at which Trump launched his reëlection campaign, and he described the joy of the President’s supporters. The crowd was overwhelmingly white but “with a pretty even mix of men and women, young and old.” The answers that Trump offered to the problems facing the country satisfied the crowd, Darroch thought, even though—or maybe especially because—“as is standard at these rallies, the language was incendiary, and a mix of fact and fiction.” Thanks largely to the support of Trump’s base, Darroch thought that Trump had “a credible path” to victory. Despite all the scandals around him, Trump might even “emerge from the flames, battered but intact, like Schwarzenegger in the final scenes of The Terminator.” (Arnold Schwarzenegger, as it happens, briefly replaced Trump as the host of “The Celebrity Apprentice.”) Much depended, Darroch said, “on who the Democrats choose.” That is true, and Trump knows it. One hopes that the Democrats do, too.

On May 22nd, British Steel, which is the United Kingdom’s second-largest steelmaker, went into liquidation. It hasn’t been easy to manufacture steel in the U.K. for a number of years. The country’s high energy costs and property taxes make it an inhospitable place for heavy industry, even compared with other European countries. But it was Brexit—specifically, the unresolved, purgatorial, shapeless Brexit that Britain finds itself in, three years after deciding to leave the European Union—that carried British Steel over the edge. Last year, with uncertainty stalking the economy, orders began to dry up. In April, because the Brexit negotiations were not complete, the company was hit with a hundred-and-twenty-million-pound bill, as part of the E.U.’s emissions-trading plan. At a court hearing the following month, British Steel, which had revenues of 1.2 billion pounds last year, revealed that it would run out of cash within a week. Since then, the company, whose origins go back to the industrial revolution, and whose evolution maps the story of British manufacturing, has been kept alive by the government. The current Prime Minister, Theresa May, has not yet left, and her successor, probably Boris Johnson, has not yet arrived. Desperate to avoid a spectacular bankruptcy in the interlude, the state has been paying British Steel’s bills and the salaries of its workers, while looking for a buyer to take four blast furnaces, named after English queens, and a two-thousand-acre steelworks off its hands.

The government set a deadline for the end of June to receive bids for British Steel. On June 28th, I travelled to Scunthorpe, in North Lincolnshire, where the company is based. A Moravian chemist named Maximilian Mannaberg poured Scunthorpe’s first steel, on March 21, 1890. The town sits on a broad, fertile plain not far from the North Sea. The roads are wide. The air smells slightly of coke ovens. Until 1936, Scunthorpe was a village, part of a collection of hamlets, fields, iron mines, and workers’ cottages strung around a giant amalgam of three competing steelworks—Appleby-Frodingham, Redbourn, and Normanby Park—that together built a century of British railways, steel rods, warships, and bridges. (Scunthorpe’s town crest includes the heraldic emblem of a “Blast-Furnace issuant therefrom Flames all proper.”) By 1967, Britain was the second-largest steel producer in Europe, after Germany, and more than twenty-five thousand people worked in Scunthorpe’s furnaces and mills. The place was known as a “boom town Eldorado,” according to the local paper. These days, mainly as a result of Margaret Thatcher’s free-market reforms, the U.K. makes less steel than Belgium. Scunthorpe’s three steelworks have shrunk to one, and the town has a lung-cancer problem. In 2016, what had become British Steel was sold to a group of private-equity investors, named Greybull Capital, for one pound. The same year, in the E.U. referendum, people in Scunthorpe voted for Brexit by a margin of two to one.

Des Comerford, who runs a menswear store in the town, picked me up from the station. In the seventies, soon after he left school, Comerford broke his pelvis. When he came out of the hospital, his job at a shop had gone. “Who came to my aid and savior? British Steel, in Scunthorpe,” he said. Comerford, who is sixty-two, worked for a year and a half as a shunter, tipping molten slag out of huge ladles from the furnaces. (Scunthorpe’s motto, “May the Heavens Reflect Our Labours,” comes from the way that the slag used to light up the night sky: it was visible to trawlers fishing at sea.) There was a “Save Our Steel” poster in the window of Comerford’s store, which is called Fallen Hero. He explained that the results of the Brexit vote in Scunthorpe had been a culmination of decades of neglect by London and a sense of being outmaneuvered by rival E.U. countries, which better protected their steel industries. “That was a defiance. That was ‘Enough,’ ” Comerford told me. “That was like saying to the government, ‘You’ve left us stranded.’ ”

Nobody in Scunthorpe has much time for Greybull Capital, the previous owners of British Steel. (In 2017, one of Greybull’s other investments, Monarch Airlines, went bust overnight, leading to the repatriation by the government of a hundred thousand holidaymakers—the largest airlift of British citizens in peacetime.) But the company has had lacklustre owners before. The priority now was to sort out Brexit. Scunthorpe’s M.P., Nic Dakin, a member of the Labour Party, voted to stay in the E.U. and now wants a second referendum. “There is a mood of anger towards our local M.P.,” Comerford said, describing Dakin’s positions as a betrayal. (Dakin, a former teacher in Scunthorpe, is a member of a cross-party group of officials and politicians trying to find a buyer for British Steel. “Nobody voted Leave to lose their job,” he told me.) Recently, Comerford went to a meeting, at Scunthorpe’s soccer stadium, of Nigel Farage’s insurgent Brexit Party, which has proposed that “a national strategic corporation” take ownership of British Steel. “They were the first political party that showed a genuine interest and desire and ideas of how to save the steel plant,” Comerford said. “It was fantastic. And do you know? Most of it was common sense.”

Since the spring, when Theresa May’s Brexit deal suffered its third defeat in Parliament and Britain’s departure from the E.U. was delayed for a second time, a kind of disassociation has set in. Even though the Brexit conundrum remains almost entirely intact—the country is divided, the E.U. is its largest trading partner, and the Irish border is still the Irish border—an idea has taken hold, particularly among Brexiteers, that a parallel, straightforward departure has been possible all along. There is a clear path, which, either out of incompetence or for some darker reason, Britain’s politicians have refused to take. The myth of a good Brexit contends that it is not leaving the E.U. that is damaging the U.K.’s standing in the world, or vulnerable businesses like British Steel; it is merely the way that the enterprise has been conducted so far. “It’s the indecision that is doing us,” Paul McBean, a representative for Community, Britain’s largest steelworkers union, who has worked at the Scunthorpe plant for forty years, told me. “I do negotiations for a living. The negotiation side of it has just been absolutely useless.”

In recent weeks, the contest to replace May, which is between Johnson and Jeremy Hunt, an ostensibly moderate former Health Secretary (and the incumbent Foreign Secretary), has become a competition to say the most macho things possible about the resumption of talks with Brussels. In late June, Johnson promised to take Britain out of the E.U. by October 31st—the current Brexit deadline—“do or die.” Hunt followed that by promising to stop negotiations a month early if no agreement is in sight, to prepare the country for a No Deal exit. “We won’t blink as a country,” he said.

Quite how any of this will play out in reality is another matter. Brexit was supposed to have happened by now, which means that the summer of 2019 is a badly timed moment of transition for the process. The U.K.’s chief Brexit negotiator, Oliver Robbins, is about to step down. The civil servant in charge of the country’s No Deal preparations, a thirty-three-year-old official named Tom Shinner, has also left the government. Neither Johnson, a Brexiteer who has alternately cheer-led and heckled from the sidelines, nor Hunt, who voted Remain, have had any hands-on experience of the negotiations. Recently, when Hunt promised six billion pounds to Britain’s farmers and fishermen, to cover any losses that might result from a No Deal departure, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Philip Hammond, who is likely to lose his job soon, pointed out that the Treasury wouldn’t have that kind of money to spare. (According to Hammond, a No Deal exit would cost the British government ninety billion pounds.) In the case of steel, if Britain fails to agree with the E.U. on a quota for exports, then the bloc could immediately impose tariffs of twenty-five per cent. “No Deal means no steel,” Dakin told me.

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At an industrial park on the edge of town, I stopped by the Bradbury Group, which uses steel to make security doors. Tim Strawson, who founded the company in 1991, voted for Brexit but was having some doubts. “I wanted Britain to have control over its own destiny,” Strawson said. “I’m not sure that I made the right choice.” Strawson was dismayed by the performance of May’s government, but he also acknowledged the daunting complexity of attempting to redraw Britain’s trading relations with the E.U. Although his factory is only three miles from British Steel, Strawson did not know how much, if any, of the processed steel that he buys comes from the plant. The nature of E.U. supply chains means that steel might leave Scunthorpe and cross several borders before returning to his factory to be turned into a door. If the steelworks closed, the damage would fall most obviously on Strawson’s staff, many of whose families work for the plant or in its direct supply chain. “It would be a disaster for the town if British Steel went, a big disaster,” Strawson said. I asked him if he had changed his mind about Brexit. “If I was sticking with my head,” he replied, “the logical answer should be to remain.”

In the afternoon, there was an emergency meeting of the North Lincolnshire Council, to support the steelworks. The council chamber, which overlooks the town square, was opened this year and painted white. Steel girders, stamped “British Steel SRSM”—from Scunthorpe’s rail-and-section mill—sloped from ceiling to floor. There was no real purpose to the meeting, except to express the town’s fear and its desperation to be spared the closure of the works. (When the June deadline arrived, there were about ten bids for British Steel, although it is not known how many came with the intention to break it up.) “We all know what effect it would have, the loss of twenty thousand-plus jobs across North Lincolnshire—you don’t have to wax lyrical about that,” Len Foster, a Labour councillor who has worked for British Steel for forty-four years, told the chamber. Margaret Armiger, a Conservative councillor, described her father, in the early days of the Second World War, cycling more than a hundred miles to find a job at the steelworks. Another Labour councillor, Tony Gosling, who worked in a plate mill until 2015, read out the names of British steelworks that have closed since the eighties, like a list of the dead. “Consett, Corby, Ebbw Vale, Hartlepool, Llanwern, Ravenscraig, Redcar, Rotherham, Sheffield, Shelton, Shotton, Stanton and Staveley, Worthington,” he said. “Don’t let the light go out on another community.” Brexit was barely mentioned, because it was something that most politicians in Scunthorpe, Labour and Conservative, agree on. It was something that most of the people in town had wished for, because things could not carry on as they were. Now they were praying to be saved.